Egypt arms shipments to Somalia part of a wider picture

Tension in the Horn of Africa is not new, but the rivalry between Cairo and Addis Ababa has escalated, as Ethiopia forges ahead with projects that threaten Egypt’s national security

A US-built Egyptian Air Force F-16 Fighting Falcon fighter aircraft is displayed during the first Egypt International Airshow at Alamein International Airport in Alamein in northern Egypt on September 4, 2024.
Khaled DESOUKI / AFP
A US-built Egyptian Air Force F-16 Fighting Falcon fighter aircraft is displayed during the first Egypt International Airshow at Alamein International Airport in Alamein in northern Egypt on September 4, 2024.

Egypt arms shipments to Somalia part of a wider picture

When Egypt sent a second consecutive shipment of arms to Somalia last month, it likely did so with water and Ethiopia in mind, although officially, it was to support a struggling state in the Horn of Africa.

The consignment that arrived at Mogadishu’s port on 23 September was part of an agreement signed in August for Cairo to send weapons and 10,000 troops. It had already sent two C-130 military planes and plans to send 5,000 troops before January and another 5,000 in the new year.

The arms shipments suggest that power shifts are underway in the region amidst an increasingly tense tussle between Egypt and its landlocked rival Ethiopia over water—both in terms of the fresh water provided by the Nile and of Ethiopian access to the Red Sea.

It boils down to water

Egypt gets 90% of its water from the Nile and watches with horror as Ethiopia continues constructing a giant hydroelectric dam on the river upstream without agreement from downstream states. The dam is not a new project—building work began in 2011—but its near completion adds to Cairo's concern over Addis Ababa's territorial ambitions. Addis Ababa would like to be the dominant power in the Nile Basin, and controlling the flow from the primary source of water for Egypt’s 106 million people would certainly give it leverage.

AFP
A member of the Republican March Band poses for photo before at the ceremony for the inaugural energy production at the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) in Guba, Ethiopia, on February 20, 2022.

Read more: Ethiopia pushes Egypt into tight corner after Nile dam talks collapse

Separately, Egypt gets billions of dollars in revenue from ships passing through the Suez Canal, but security concerns mean that traffic has been down in recent months. Ethiopia's Red Sea access could add to Egypt’s woes. In this context, Egypt is forging closer military ties with Ethiopia’s coast-hugging neighbour, Somalia. Mogadishu has its own gripes with Addis Ababa, but its military is in no fit state to do anything about it.

Egypt’s military equipment includes ammunition, anti-aircraft guns, and artillery, while its broader assistance includes intelligence gathering. This may help tackle Somalia's multiple threats, some of which are existential. If Somalia becomes a failed state, it would only add to the region’s problems. Cairo says this would have direct consequences for Egypt, which is already dealing with the fallout from conflicts in Gaza, Sudan, Lebanon, and Syria.

Fighting for the coast

Egypt was initially prompt to help Somalia’s armed forces when Ethiopia agreed to recognise Somaliland, a breakaway region in Somalia’s north that borders Djibouti. In January, Ethiopia said it intended to build a naval base and commercial port in Somaliland and lease a stretch of coastline. At the United Nations General Assembly last month, Somalia called this an “annexation” and “a flagrant violation” of its territorial integrity.

Despite the anger, it must tread carefully, not least because Ethiopia has 10,000 troops stationed on the border under the guise of protecting against Islamist incursions. Egypt has long known that Ethiopia, its historic rival, wants to gain access to the coast. A deal with Somaliland would give Addis Ababa a foothold near the Red Sea's southern entrance.

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Egypt is afraid that the new deal between Somaliland and Ethiopia will further destabilise maritime trade in the Red Sea.

Read more: Why Ethiopia's Red Sea ambitions unnerve Egypt

Keeping Somalia intact

Cairo's geopolitical concerns about the dangers to its national security and economic outlook of a disintegrating Somalia are longstanding. It wants to help Somalia maintain its territorial integrity in the face of looming problems, of which Somaliland's independence ambition is just one. In Somalia's northeast, the state of Puntland has similar hopes.

Any fracturing of Somalia would benefit Ethiopia, which has actively backed the two breakaway regions, including with arms shipments. Yet both Ethiopia and Egypt share worries about al-Qaeda's powerful Somali ally, al-Shabaab.

Ethiopia has spent 40 years attacking al-Shabaab, deploying more than 1,000 troops in Somalia since 2007 under a multilateral African Union mission, yet the terrorist group is still a force to be reckoned with. Ethiopia has argued that Egyptian weapons could end up in al-Shabaab's hands.

A new terrorist alliance

Egypt says its military support will help the small Somali army rebuild and address the al-Shabaab threat, which is now more urgent after the group began working with the Iran-backed Houthi militia in Yemen. The UK raised this as a concern at a UN Security Council meeting in August.

Despite their ideological divergence, the Houthis and al-Shabaab have found ways to cooperate. The Houthis' success in Yemen is now being seen as a template for al-Shabaab, which would dearly like some Iranian weapons.

Egypt sent two C-130 military planes in August and plans to send 5,000 troops before January and another 5,000 in the new year.

Moreover, it will have seen how the Houthis have used Iranian missiles and drones to target Western shipping to devastating effect in the Red Sea. If al-Shabaab starts targeting ships travelling off the coast of Somalia to and from the Gulf of Aden, Egyptian revenue could plummet further.

Income from the Suez Canal is a prime source of foreign currency for Egypt, but revenues are down 20% as ships seek safer routes. A Houthi alliance with al-Shabaab would only exacerbate Egypt's economic difficulties.

Rivalries and alliances

Mohamed al-Shazli, Egypt's former ambassador to Sudan and a former assistant to the Egyptian foreign minister, told Al Majalla that Cairo had anticipated the threat "early on". He said it was now working to "prevent it from materialising", adding: "Egypt has vested interests in Somalia's security and stability, which have a direct effect on Egypt's security and stability."

Iran is seen to be pushing for the Houthis to work with al-Shabaab. Although there is a recent regional trend for reconciliation (Iran and Saudi Arabia having declared a thaw), Egypt has been at loggerheads with Iran since Cairo signed a peace treaty with Israel in 1979.

Tension is not new in the Horn of Africa, where Egypt has tried to use its influence to ensure the continuous supply of water from the Nile through a series of military cooperation pacts with Ethiopia's neighbours like Uganda, Kenya and Eritrea to 'encircle' its rival.

African affairs specialist Ramadan Qorany told Al Majalla that Egypt "aspires to create a new security system that preserves the sovereignty of regional states and protects their territorial unity by trying to coordinate the policies of regional states that share the same views and policies".

Egypt has vested interests in Somalia's security and stability, which have a direct effect on Egypt's security and stability

Mohamed al-Shazli, Egypt's former ambassador to Sudan

Where stronger states fight

Somalia's Defence Minister Abdulkadir Mohamed Nur has sounded bullish on social media, saying the country would no longer "be dictated to", yet it remains far from clear whether Egypt's aid will change the balance of power.

Somalia's military is weak, with only 15,000 soldiers, no fighter aircraft, and no tanks (Ethiopia has 162,000 soldiers, 23 fighter aircraft, and 680 tanks). It is uncertain whether the Somali army can keep hold of the weapons it has received, let alone use them.

Egypt's military aid to Somalia shows that Cairo wants to stifle Ethiopia's regional ambitions, but the extent and duration of Egypt's support will be determined in part by its economy's performance. Still, Egypt hopes its support will help the Somali military trim al-Shabaab's influence and prevent the state's disintegration.

For its part, Addis Ababa is unlikely to stand by and let Egypt block its ambitions. Ethiopia will probably aim to turn Somali public opinion against any Egyptian soldiers stationed there while continuing to support the breakaway regions.

Yet Ethiopia will not have it easy. Al-Shabaab, which is opposed to the government in Mogadishu, has also declared its opposition to Ethiopia and has vowed to fight any Ethiopian presence in Somaliland. Whatever happens, the region and the world will be watching events closely, as Egypt's ambitions play out against those of its main regional rival.

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