At a crossroads: the Middle East now has but two choices

The past ten months have upended policy trajectories relating to the Middle East. How the conflict unfolds in the coming weeks will have huge and unpredictable consequences for millions

The stakes are high as Israel and Iran go toe-to-toe throughout the region with a series of strikes and counter strikes. Will it be managed, or will it end dramatically?
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The stakes are high as Israel and Iran go toe-to-toe throughout the region with a series of strikes and counter strikes. Will it be managed, or will it end dramatically?

At a crossroads: the Middle East now has but two choices

Prior to 7 October 2023, the Middle East could be defined by a number of characteristics.

For a start, it was one of the last regions of the world to have no overarching regional architecture for conflict management and regional cooperation.

There were two longstanding and unresolved conflicts—the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and that between Iran and several Arab states—plus four ongoing civil wars (in Yemen, Syria, Sudan, and Libya) and dozens of armed non-state actors.

On a more positive note, the region was on a de-escalatory role, first with the Abraham Accords between Israel and some Arab states in 2020, and second, with the landmark Saudi-Iran agreement brokered by China in March of 2023.

In the summer of 2023, there was much talk of a potential three-way tie-up between Washington, Riyadh, and Tel Aviv, cementing a long-term US-Saudi strategic partnership and further advancing Israel’s integration into the Arab world.

Nash Weerasekera
The Middle East is home to two longstanding and unresolved conflicts, four civil wars, and dozens of armed non-state actors, with no conflict resolution architecture.

Ten months on, with devastation in Gaza and the widening of the conflict to the West Bank, Lebanon, Yemen, Syria, Iraq and Iran, how has it reshaped the strategic calculus of key players, and the outlines of relations in the Middle East?

No further forward

For Israel, the 7 October 2023 attacks were the biggest breach of its strategic security since 1973, but unlike in 1973, it has restored neither effective deterrence nor effective defence a full ten months into the war.

The Israelis may have degraded Hamas, but their strategic situation remains extremely vulnerable to attack by Iran and its proxies. They are also deeply divided internally, with no clear strategic path forward.

The Middle East can claim two longstanding and unresolved conflicts, four ongoing civil wars, and dozens of armed non-state actors

The government of Benjamin Netanyahu is pursuing open-ended re-occupation of Gaza, further repression on the West Bank, and escalation with Iran and its proxies. This is not sustainable, nor does it provide a route to rebuild Israeli security.

For the Palestinians, there is little doubt that Israel's war on Gaza is an historic devastation on a par with the Nakba (Catastrophe) of 1948.

The Israeli right-wingers' appetite for doubling down on force and occupation that is also having dire consequences for Palestinians on the West Bank as well.  

Jaafar Ashtiyeh/AFP
A burnt car after an attack by Jewish settlers on the village of Jit near Nablus in the occupied West Bank that left a 23-year-old man dead and others with critical gunshot wounds, on August 16, 2024.

Hamas put the Palestinian issue back on the agenda after it was effectively sidelined by the momentum of the Abraham Accords, but there is now less and less of Palestine left to salvage, so less prospect of a two-state solution.    

Iran's rules overruled

For Iran, the war has brought mixed blessings. On the one hand, Hamas dealt the strongest blow to Israel in its modern history, and after ten months of brutal bombardment it is still standing.

To Israel's north, Iran's main ally Hezbollah has maintained and managed a limited war against Israel along its northern front. In that sense, Iran's asymmetric warfare model has proven effective. Israel is in a deep strategic quandary because of Iran's network. 

On the other hand, the pattern of escalation may have put Iran in new strategic territory that it might live to regret, that being the direct exchange of fire between Iran and Israel.

This was first seen in April, after Israel bombed the Iranian consulate in Damascus. The assassination of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran, and the expected Iranian response, could yet drag Iran itself into the arc of armed conflict. 

Escalation may have put Iran in new strategic territory that it might live to regret, that being the direct exchange of fire between Iran and Israel

Since the end of the Iran-Iraq war in the late 1980s—Iran has built up its 'forward defence' proxy forces.

For the past 35 years, Israel (and the US) have gone along with the rules of the game set by Iran: that responses to Iranian proxies would be on those proxies themselves, not on Iran proper. Today, those rules might no longer apply. Iran could now be the target.

Impact on the Gulf

For Saudi Arabia and the Gulf countries, their 'double deconfliction' with both Iran and Israel seems to have paid off. 

Throughout these past ten months, and through the upcoming weeks of potential escalation as well, the Gulf countries have been able to stay out of the fight, maintain their security, and proceed with their economic development agendas. Likewise Turkey.

Khaled Abdullah/Reuters
Military policemen join a rally by protesters, mainly Houthi supporters, to show support to Palestinians in the Gaza Strip, in Sanaa, Yemen August 16, 2024.

For the US, the conflict has been consequential. It halted any pre-election US-Saudi-Israel deal and dragged Washington's credibility and moral standing through the mud, with Netanyahu showing America as powerless to influence proceedings.

Moreover, Israeli adventurism has dragged the US military to the brink, since Washington has felt it needed to defend Tel Aviv. Warships and submarines have been deployed as a warning to Iran, even though the US is desperate to avoid war.

To ice the cake, Netanyahu showed that he—not US President Joe Biden—holds sway with the US Congress, and that he could effectively determine the course of US policy in the Israeli-Palestinian and Israeli-Iranian arenas.

Netanyahu has shown that he—not US President Joe Biden—effectively determines US policy on Israel-Palestine and Israel-Iran

The US remains the most relevant global player in the region, the main military partner of Israel, and the main military deterrent to Iran and its potential escalation in the region. It is also the primary global diplomatic player in trying to bring the Gaza war to an end.

On Palestinian reconciliation, China has tried to bridge the gap between the two feuding groups (Fatah and Hamas), but neither Beijing nor Moscow has the capacity or the interest to play a major role in this most complex of conflicts.

One of two ways

As the region awaits the next moves from Iran and Israel, two scenarios could unfold. In one, the strikes and counter strikes are choreographed and telegraphed, much like they were in April, and major escalation is avoided. 

That would then return focus on Netanyahu to cease firing in Gaza and Lebanon, letting the region to move forward toward the mammoth post-war Gaza governance and reconstruction project. His alternative is to continue along the path of sustained conflict, largely to avoid ending his political career.

Florion Goga/Reuters
An Israeli flag flutters as people walk along a shopping street in Jerusalem, August 16, 2024.

In the second scenario, the strikes and counter strikes escalate, ending in war between Israel and Iran, and/or the Israeli invasion of Lebanon. This would probably involve Israel trying to take out as much of Iran's nuclear infrastructure as it can, and Iran trying to inflict maximum damage on Israel. 

If the second scenario unfolds, the conflict could easily impact Gulf states, global energy markets, and the global economy. That is why investors are glued to the news.

Let us hope that diplomats succeed and that key leaders in the region prefer the first scenario.

The Middle East needs to turn the page and open a new chapter, one of opportunity, not only for Palestinians, who have suffered for decades, but for all.

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