Land of disinterest: as Lebanon’s south is bombed, Beirut parties

In most countries, the bombing of a region by an aggressive neighbour would signal a national emergency, provoke an outcry, and rally the other regions in defence. In Lebanon, people go to concerts.

Land of disinterest: as Lebanon’s south is bombed, Beirut parties

It seems both odd and not that a country being bombed can host bustling music concerts where tickets cost a small fortune while families facing bombs go hungry.

Welcome to Lebanon’s 2024 summer season.

The booming entertainment in some regions is in stark contrast to the devastation being wrought in the country’s south. The boom is a bass note in the north, ordnance near the border.

War is obviously of concern, but many Lebanese have learned to live with it. Accepting the ever-changing status quo has become ingrained in their lives. The country keeps moving, and so do they. Considering the future is for some other time.

Concert tickets now go for several months’ salary. Most do not ask how the concertgoers get the money but note the closure of investigations into the embezzlement of public and private funds within state institutions and banks.

In today’s Lebanon, increasingly, people are out for themselves. In the context of a broken and paralysed Lebanese state, this becomes more understandable.

Alliances unravel

After Lebanon’s civil war from 1975-90, there were efforts to establish an alternative to the dominance of the so-called ‘political Maronism’ that emerged after Lebanon’s independence in 1943.

This alternative aimed to replace the Christian-Western alliance with an Islamic alliance aligned to Syria, but this failed, the assassination of Lebanon’s popular reformist Prime Minister Rafik Hariri in 2005 being the final straw. They Syrians left weeks later.

Since then, some sought to establish a Shiite-Christian alliance centred on the ‘Mar Mikhael Understanding’ between Hezbollah and the Free Patriotic Movement led by Michel Aoun.

In today's Lebanon, increasingly, people are out for themselves. In the context of a broken and paralysed Lebanese state, this is understandable. 

This alliance strengthened its control over state institutions before the significant imbalance in capabilities between Hezbollah and the Christian Aounist faction became clear. Indeed, Hezbollah's capabilities far exceeded anything else in Lebanon.

The fragmentation of Lebanese society and the defeat of the coalition of groups known as the 'Forces of Change' marked an unofficial end to national cohesion.

Splintered and broken

This alliance had believed they were part of a sovereign project to establish a sectarian framework where Sunni Lebanese would hold an equal position to Christians while maintaining strong ties with the West.

Instead, Lebanon's components splintered and separated, living in adjacent sectarian enclaves. Barriers between the Sunnis, Shiites, Christians, Druze, and others went up, especially after 17 October 2019.

This is when huge protests against the state's economic mismanagement forced the resignation of Prime Minister Saad Hariri. A caretaker government took charge, but they also resigned a few months later, after an enormous explosion destroyed Beirut's port.

The ineffectiveness of the 'Forces of Change' coalition and the inadequacy of their representatives further deepened divisions. The inability to forge even a basic consensus among Lebanon's people underscores the collapse of the state's legitimacy.

This feeling was only exacerbated when the port explosion investigation teetered off, when no-one held banks accountable for the freezing of deposits, and when no-one was charged and prosecuted when hundreds of millions of dollars disappeared.

Loyalty lies elsewhere

It is of little surprise, therefore, that the little that remains of a functioning government gets no backing from ordinary Lebanese, whose primary focus is on securing basic necessities for their families.

This partly explains how people can party while Israeli planes strafe southern villages. It is proximity, not plurality, that defines the difference. There is no animosity or hatred between those partying and those taking shelter. There is simply indifference.

There is no animosity or hatred between those partying and those taking shelter. There is simply indifference.

In a land where loyalty to religion, faction, party, militia, ideology, or region is greater than to the country or state, it is of no surprise that nothing unites these two groups of Lebanese: the bombed, and the partying.

The contrast shows just how fractured Lebanon has become. Like a shipwreck, its people now swimming through the holes and windows, picking off what they can from the carcass, before leaving for waters new.

Those who controlled the state's resources and chose to engage Israel in support of Gaza must accept responsibility for the somewhat inevitable destruction in the south.

Those enjoying restaurants, parties, and concerts in Beirut, Mt Lebanon, and the north know that they may be next, that war for them may arrive tomorrow. Carpe diem - live for the day. Alternatively, 'dance 'til you drop.' Both phrases fit.

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