A complete guide to Iranian-backed militias in Syria

Homeland Shield Brigade is led by Tariq Marouf, which consists of approximately 400 fighters and is based in Dara'a. The group has grown since the Syrian army regained control of the southern regions.

Khaled Al-Hashish Group is formed from individuals involved in the "reconciliation" processes orchestrated by the Syrian government. It is led by Khaled Al-Hashish, who maintains close ties with the Fourth Division, commanded by Maher Al-Assad, the brother of President Bashar Al-Assad.

The main headquarters of this group is in the town of Tal Shihab in western Daraa's countryside. Its members are dispersed across the region along the Jordanian border, including towns such as Tal Shihab, Tiberias, and Zayzoun.

Abu Salem Group has 300 members and is led by Ahmed Mhawesh, also known as Abu Salem Al-Khalidi. Its central headquarters is in the town of Kharab Al-Shahm, with an additional presence in Al-Ajami, Naba Al-Fawwar, Khirbet Qais, and Nahj. Notably, this group is involved in drug smuggling operations into Jordan.

Haitham Abu Saifan comprises approximately 200 fighters and is named after its leader, a retired officer from Military Intelligence who currently collaborates with Hezbollah. It operates in the town of Al-Shajara and its surrounding villages, situated on the border with the Golan Heights in the west and Jordan in the south, within the Yarmouk Basin area.

Majd Al-Mallouhi is based in the Al-Lajat area in the northeastern countryside of Daraa and maintains affiliation with Hezbollah. Its roughly 200 members originate from the Reconciliation factions, formerly associated with the opposition Al-Omari Brigades. It is active in drug smuggling operations.

Samer Hariri comprises 200 members from the reconciliation factions, formerly linked to the Amoud Houran Division. It is named after its leader, a former military commander in the Free Syrian Army. Its central headquarters is located in the town of Busra al-Harir in the eastern countryside of Daraa.

Muhammad al-Hraki is also named after its leader. It has approximately 100 members, primarily former opposition fighters. Its headquarters are in the town of al-Maliha in the eastern countryside of Daraa.

Fares Al-Huwaila comprises around 100 members from the reconciliation factions named after its leader. Its headquarters are in Ghasam in the eastern countryside of Dara'a.

Ali Al-Athba has members from the city of Busra Al-Sham in the eastern countryside of Dara'a, and it is also named after its leader.

Khader Hleihel is stationed in the town of Al-Rafed in the centre of Quneitra on the border and consists of members of the former opposition group, the Al-Sibtin Brigade.

Ahmed Kaboul consists of elements loyal to the Syrian government and is based in the town of Khan Arnaba in the northern countryside of Quneitra.

Moaz Nassar comprises former opposition fighters from the town of Jubata al-Khashab and its environs.

Basil Hassoun consists of Druze fighters from the town of Hadar in the northern countryside of Quneitra.

Abu Ghadeer consists of former opposition fighters and was one of the opposition formations, and is based in the town of Ghadeer Al-Bustan in the southern countryside of Quneitra.

Dhahir al-Hamad consists of former opposition fighters stationed in the town of Sidon in the southern countryside of Quneitra.

Reports have indicated that Tehran is actively working to expand its military presence in southern Syria, employing a mix of incentives and intimidation tactics.

Pro-Iranian militias have gained control over several strategically significant hills in the southern region of Syria.

These hills – including Tal Mar'i, Fatima Hill, Ayoub Hill, Qarin Hill, Al-Hara Hill, Al-Jabiya Hill, Jamou' Hill, Al-Hamr Hill, and Thyme Hill – have been repurposed as advanced surveillance centres. They operate under the guise of the Syrian army, with militia members using army vehicles and uniforms for movement and cover.

Forces backed by Iran have been observed using Syrian army headquarters as temporary operational bases. They frequently change their locations, primarily due to concerns about potential targeting by the international coalition or Israel.

In addition to these forces, the so-called Golan Regiment militia – led by Khaled Abaza, the Secretary of the Baath Party branch in the Quneitra governorate – is active in the region. It comprises five battalions and one company, with 325 fighters in total.

It has a robust alliance with Hezbollah, and many of its members have undergone military training in Hezbollah's camps in Lebanon.

As of mid-2022, a new map detailing the locations of Iranian-affiliated groups in various parts of Syria – including the southern, central, and northern areas – was made public.

It also shows where drug manufacturing and smuggling operations are prevalent, all under the control of these militias.

The new map identifies 28 sites associated with Iranian forces and Iran-affiliated militias in the southern region. It reveals that Brigade 313 – a Shiite unit led by Ibrahim Marji and based in the city of Izraa – has around 1,200 fighters.

It operates under the aegis of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard and is tasked with safeguarding strategic weapons depots in the southern area.

Southern Syrian agreement

In the summer of 2018, a settlement was reached in southern Syria, which put the army and its allies in control of the region. It followed an agreement in November 2017 signed by Jordan, Russia, and the US.

According to analysis from the Malcolm Kerr-Carnegie Middle East Centre, the agreement set out that foreign forces and combatants would not be allowed into a zone that covered most of Daraa and Quneitra Governorates.

The Carnegie Centre added: "Officially, Israel was not a signatory, though that particular condition explicitly recognised an important Israeli red line in the area."

"Iran and Iranian-backed forces, such as the Lebanese Hezbollah, would be barred from deploying to large areas of the south near the occupied Golan Heights, setting up precision weapons there, and building permanent bases or any infrastructure allowing for attacks against Israel."

Subsequently, Alexander Lavrentiev – the Russian president's special envoy to Syria – confirmed via the press that, with Russia's mediation, Iranian forces had withdrawn approximately 85 kilometres from their previous positions in southern Syria.

Lavrentiev also noted that this allowed the United Nations Disengagement Observation Force (UNDOF) to commence comprehensive operations in the demilitarised zone between Syria and Israel. He emphasised that the Russian side had coordinated its plan with Israeli authorities and expressed hope for a swift deployment of UNDOF observers.

Iranian redeployment

Press reports indicated that Iranian-backed militias in southern Syria conducted redeployment operations, moving a significant number of personnel to Iranian bases in central and eastern Syria.

This occurred as the Syrian Observatory reported in September 2020 that Iranian forces and their loyalist militias were actively engaged in recruitment, especially in southern Syria and areas west of the Euphrates River.

The Syrian Observatory said Iranian forces and affiliated militias in southern Syria exceeded 7,400, specifically within the Al-Areen Brigades and the Brigade 313.

Al Majalla's sources in southern Syria disclosed that Iranian forces and militias increased their presence there after Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022. They suggested this may have happened in coordination with Russia, or at least with its understanding. It may have come in response to Israel's position on the war in Ukraine.

Iran mobilises forces in Golan

On 7 October, when Hamas attacked Israel, multiple sources told Al Majalla of a significant mobilisation of Iranian forces and militias along the Golan front.

One source said: "We had been aware of their presence, but the scale of their deployment along the front line was unprecedented."

There were also reports on the Syrian news website Damascusvoice.com and the Sawt Al-Asimah television service that units from the Hezbollah-linked Radwan Unit swiftly arrived in Syrian territory and established positions along the border.

Israeli media described them as elite forces with strong missile capabilities and said the troops were integrated into military formations associated with the Syrian army.

According to Sawt Al-Asimah, an officer from the Iranian Revolutionary Guard named Muhammad Assadullah, along with Guard units, relocated from the town of Sayyida Zeinab in the southern Damascus countryside to the Golan region. He supervised the transfer of drones from the Revolutionary Guard headquarters in Dara'a Governorate to military sites near the Golan.

The same sources reported that both the Revolutionary Guard and Hezbollah transported weaponry and military equipment from their depots in the town of Aqraba in the southern Damascus countryside and from the vicinity of Damascus International Airport. There were indications that the intended destination was the southern region.

Sawt Al-Asimah also reported on 10 October that groups affiliated with Hezbollah moved from camps in Lebanon and Syria to the vicinity of the town of Bariqa in the Quneitra Governorate. They established positions roughly two kilometres away from the Golan front.

Simultaneously, the Golan Regiment militia received orders to heighten its readiness and assemble all its members in the Quneitra Governorate, refraining from engaging in any military activities except as directed.

Shelling settlements and air strikes on Syria's airports

As Israel's bombardment of the Gaza Strip escalated – and Israel and Iran exchanged threats over the escalation of war – Iranian-backed militias launched several mortar shells on 10 October from the Yarmouk Basin area in the western part of Daraa province, adjacent to the Golan Heights. The targets were Israeli settlements in Golan.

Several shells landed in open areas close to the settlement of Ramat Magshimim. The Israeli army confirmed that its troops fired artillery and mortar shells towards Syria in retaliation. There were no reports of damage or casualties resulting from these incidents.

After that, Israel bombed Aleppo and Damascus international airports on 12 October, rendering them inoperative. According to an Israeli army spokesperson, this bombardment was a direct response to the mortar shells fired from Syria towards the settlements in the Golan Heights.

The next day, Russian state-owned news agency Sputnik quoted a spokesperson from the Israeli Foreign Ministry, Hassan Kaabia, as saying that the airport air strikes were intended to deter Iran and its militias from getting involved in the war. They were also timed to coincide with the visit of Iranian Foreign Minister Hossein Amir Abdollahian to Damascus.

Kaabia further clarified that the Damascus airport bombing was not aimed at the Iranian minister's aircraft but was rather a warning to Syria, which, in this context, serves as a conduit for the transportation of missiles and weapons from Iran to Hezbollah.

Then, Israeli air strikes once again targeted Aleppo airport on 14 October, putting it back out of action just one day after operations had resumed. The Israeli army said the bombing of Aleppo airport was retaliation for a missile launch from Syria toward Israel.

Furthermore, overnight on 11/12 October, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, Israeli air strikes were reported to have targeted a Syrian army site in the Quneitra province.

In the early hours of 22 October, a Sunday, Israeli airstrikes once again hit Damascus and Aleppo international airports, killing one worker there, injuring another and putting them out of service again, according to the Syrian Arab News Agency (SANA).

There was another strike from Israeli aircraft on 25 October, once again making it unusable.

Non-Arab units

IranWire.com also gave details of non-Arab military units in Syria and Iraq.   

They operate alongside the Iranian Revolutionary Guard and its associated Quds Force and are estimated to have around 8,000 members deployed in Rif-Dimashq, Tartous, and Latakia in Syria.

The Liwa Fatemiyoun or the Fatemiyoun Brigade consists of Hazara Afghans, an ethnic group from Afghanistan, who sought refuge in Iran.

It was established in 2014 under the leadership of Ali Reza Tavassoli, who was killed during battles in Dara'a in 2015, and it comprises around three thousand fighters stationed in the Sayyida Zainab area, situated to the south of Damascus.

The Liwa Zainebiyoun or the Zainebiyoun Brigade, is made up of fighters from Pakistan, predominantly Pashtuns, an ethnic group spanning Pakistan and Afghanistan. It was founded by Mohammad Jannati, also known as Hajj Haider, a Pakistani descendant, who was killed in Hama while engaged in combat against opposition factions.

It has approximately 1,000 combatants stationed in Damascus and its adjacent suburbs, ostensibly safeguarding the shrine of Sayyida Zainab. Its fighters actively participated in conflicts alongside the Syrian army in Aleppo, Dara'a, and Hama. It was initially a breakaway faction from the Liwa Fatemiyoun. Its members undergo training in Iran before being deployed to Syria.

Arab militias in Syria

Arab militias are listed as follows, with some details on their characteristics and approaches.

Hezbollah avoids establishing fixed positions in Syria. Instead, it utilises special military units within the Syrian army to carry out its operations and activities.

It uses civilian residences in the area of Sayyida Zainab south of Damascus as temporary headquarters and frequently changes locations. Its members manoeuvre around the shrine of Sayyida Ruqayya in Old Damascus, notably in the Shiite-majority area of Al-Shaghour.

Additionally, Hezbollah has a presence in Al-Qusayr, located in the western countryside of Homs, a city deserted by its inhabitants due to conflicts with opposition factions.

It exerts influence and control over most Shiite factions in Syria. There is some opposition, primarily due to the Syrian army's preference for Lebanese fighters over their Syrian counterparts.

Iraqi units

The Liwa Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas or Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas Brigade consists of Iraqi fighters led by Maher Ajeeb Jazza, widely known as Abu Ajeeb. He is from the town of Nubl in the Aleppo countryside. The precise count of its fighters remains unclear due to frequent defections within the group.

The Iraq Hezbollah Brigades was formed when Iraq sent around 7,000 of its fighters to Syria in 2013, led by Hashim Al-Hamdani, commonly known as Abu Alaa.  Iran supports it and collaborates closely with Syrian Hezbollah in joint operations. Its members undergo military training in Lebanon.

The Iraqi Al-Nujaba Movement is an Iraqi formation supported by Iran. It has actively engaged in combat alongside the Syrian army in various regions of Syria, notably in the outskirts of Aleppo and Damascus.

Their involvement was pivotal in lifting the siege enforced by opposition factions on the towns of Nubl and Al-Zahraa in the Aleppo countryside. The movement is known for its robust organisation and operates its own television channel and news website.

Asa'ib Ahl al-Ha or The League of the Righteous, is an Iraqi military group that deployed many of its fighters to Syria. It maintains subsidiary bases in the Rif-Dimashq and Al-Bukamal.

The group is accused of assassinating religious figures and Sunni leaders in both Iraq and Syria. Its funding sources include Iran, former Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki, and funds acquired through kidnapping operations and subsequent financial ransoms.

The Faylaq Al-Wa'ad al-Sadiq or The Al-Wa'ad al-Sadiq Brigade, is an Iraqi militia led by Mohammad Hamza Al-Tamimi, known as Abu Ali Al-Najafi. It consists of approximately two thousand members operating between Iraq and Syria, with its subsidiary headquarters situated in Rif-Dimashq.

Its primary combat activities are concentrated in Damascus and Aleppo. The brigade has recently integrated fighters from the towns of Kefraya, Al-Foua, and Maarat Misrin in the province of Idlib.

The Saraya Al-Khorasani or Vanguards Companies of Al-Khorasani is an Iraqi formation established in 1984 and led by Ali al-Yasiri. It is regarded as the military wing of the Islamic Vanguard Party. With approximately 5,000 fighters, the group operates between Iraq and Syria. One of its main tasks is to protect Damascus International Airport.

The group receives financial and military support from Iran. It maintains its central headquarters in Najaf and subsidiary offices in Wasit, Karbala, and Basra in Iraq, as well as in Rif-Dimashq and Aleppo in Syria.

The Martyr Mohammed Baqir Al-Sadr Forces is an Iraqi formation dedicated to assisting the Syrian government's public security members and the Ministry of Interior. Members of this formation wear the uniform of the Syrian police.

The al-Imam Hussein Brigade is an Iraqi formation operating in the Rif-Dimashq and Aleppo, led by Amjad Al-Bahadli.

The Zulfiqar Brigade is an Iraqi formation led by Abu Shahed Al-Jubouri. The brigade has actively engaged in several battles against opposition factions in Rif-Dimashq.

There are additional, smaller Iraqi units in Syria, including the Ammar Ibn Yasir Brigade, the Liwa Asadullah Al-Ghalib, the Saraya Ashura, the Jaysh al-Mu'ammal, the Promised Day Brigade, the Baqiat-ِAllah Brigade, and the Rapid Intervention Brigade.

The Sa'ada Brigade is a Yemeni formation consisting of around 750 Houthis. They fought alongside the Syrian army in Damascus's southern and eastern countryside. However, following the escalation of conflict in Yemen, they withdrew from Syria and returned to Yemen.

The Al-Quds Brigade is a military unit composed of Palestinians living in Syria, predominantly in the Bab al-Nairab camp in Aleppo.

Established in 2013 by Engineer Mohammad Al-Saeed with backing from Iran, the brigade has between 2,500 and 3,000 fighters and actively participated in numerous battles across Aleppo, Damascus, Deir al-Zour, and Dara'a.  

The brigade's primary headquarters is located in the Bab al-Nairab camp, and it operates training facilities in the Handarat camp, Sheikh Najjar, and al-Malaheh in the Aleppo countryside.

The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine - General Command is an old Palestinian formation based in Damascus, led by Talal Naji. The group has fought alongside the Syrian army and continues to recruit new fighters. It receives support from Iran and has participated in battles in the Yarmouk and Palestine camps as well as the southern countryside of Damascus.

Many of its fighters defected to join opposition factions in the Yarmouk camp under the name Free General Command. The group has close ties with Hezbollah and operates training camps inside Lebanon, as well as in Sidnaya in the northern countryside of Damascus and As'Saboura in the western countryside of Damascus.

Militias from different Syrian sects

There are also armed groups in Syria from the sects within the country – Shiite, Sunni, Druze and Alawite – alongside other religious groups.

They receive financial support from Iran and Syrian entrepreneurs. Some of them are involved in illegal activities, including drug trafficking and oil smuggling between the Syrian government and groups, including the Islamic State (IS) or the Syrian Democratic Forces.

Some of these groups, listed below, serve as auxiliary forces alongside the Syrian army.

Al-Qatirji Militia was Founded by businessman Hussam Ahmed Al-Qatirji, owner of the Qatirji Group for Trade and Transport; it comprises fighters from Deir al-Zor who have backed the Syrian army in battles across Deir al-Zor, Aleppo, and Idlib. It finances itself through oil smuggling activities facilitated by the Qatirji company, which has over 400 oil transport vehicles.

The National Defence Forces has units stationed in provincial centres, receiving support from the Syrian army and directly affiliated with the Quds Force. They are active in Quds military operations, and membership numbers vary by province, but 2013 reports put their total number at around 100,000. Their leader is Fadi Ahmad.

The Tiger Forces, or Quwwat al-Nimr, consists of approximately 8,000 ground fighters loyal to Iran and receive substantial military support. They have been actively involved in capturing multiple areas in Syria, often receiving air support from Russian fighter jets.

However, they have faced accusations of looting civilian properties in areas under their control, a practice known as "tafyeesh," and selling the stolen goods in private markets in Damascus and Aleppo.

Al-Bustan Association was established as a charitable organisation in 1999 and is affiliated with Syrian businessman Rami Makhlouf, a cousin of President al-Assad. During the early stages of anti-government protests, the association's volunteers shifted their focus from charity work to suppressing protesters and fighting alongside the Syrian army.

Accusations of aiding the proliferation of Shiite doctrine followed Iranian infiltration into Syria. The association played a role in constructing Shiite religious centres, establishing religious schools, and organising Shiite celebrations in various regions, including the Syrian coastal area and Damascus. It was dissolved two years ago by President al-Assad.

Al-Fu'ah Battalion was predominantly composed of 300 Shiite fighters from the town of Al-Fu'ah and received substantial military and logistical support from Iran. Initially stationed at the town it is named after in the Idlib countryside, the battalion relocated to the Damascus countryside after the opposition factions took control of Al-Fu'ah.

Al-Zahra Battalion has fighters from the town of Al-Zahra in Aleppo. Iran supports this battalion, and its fighters fight alongside the Syrian army.

Al-Abbas Battalion comprises around 200 fighters from the towns of Kefraya and Al-Fu'ah; this battalion receives support from Iran and fights alongside the Syrian army.

Al-Mehraab Martyr Battalion is from the town of Nubl and consists of approximately 150 fighters. They receive support from Iran and fight alongside the Syrian army.

Syrian Hezbollah consists of several militias, formerly known as the Popular and National Committees. Active in Syria since 2013, they have fought alongside the Syrian army and are stationed in provincial centres. Members receive military training in Lebanon and financial support from Iran.

830 foreign bases

According to research from the independent think-tank Jusoor for Studies, there were 830 foreign military bases or installations in Syria as of mid-2003, up significantly from 753 in mid-2022.

Distributed across the country, they include facilities run by the international coalition led by the United States, as well as the presence of Russia, Turkey, Iran and Hezbollah.

Iran has the most – 570 – followed by Turkey with 125, Russia with 105, and the US-led international coalition with 30.