Politics

Why Israel is threatened by Jenin

The camp's residents show strong social cohesion. Unlike many other cities and villages in the West Bank, it is not characterised by political divisions.

AFP

Men sit before a wall displaying pictures of killed Palestinians in Jenin in the north of the occupied West Bank on July 5, 2023, after the Israeli army declared the end of a two-day military operation in the area.

Why Israel is threatened by Jenin

Salem Al Rayyes

last update on 05 Jul 2023

Violence against Palestinians in the Jenin refugee camp at the hands of the Israeli occupation army raged for two days and caused devastation in what is home to 15,000 people.

The current escalation in aggression is reminiscent of the first large-scale operation of its kind carried out at the camp in 2002. It is also the first since then and reveals much about how politics have changed. As Israel has increasingly moved to the right, a new and less easily controlled form of Palestinian resistance has developed in Jenin.

Israel’s military named the offensive Operation Home and Garden. It began with helicopter strikes on several buildings. Subsequently, over 150 military vehicles carrying approximately 1,000 Israeli soldiers approached the camp's entrances in the north of the West Bank.

Palestinian youths hurriedly attempted to keep the vehicles out by closing the entrances with cement blocks and setting rubber tires on fire.

There were then violent clashes between the Israeli forces and the Palestinian resistance — particularly members of the group known as the Jenin Battalion.

Palestinians engage in a firefight with the Israeli military in Jenin, the West Bank, 03 July 2023.

During the incursion, Israeli-operated bulldozers ravaged the camp's streets, causing extensive damage to vital infrastructure including water, electricity, and communication networks. This further exacerbated the hardships faced by the residents of Jenin camp and increased the risks to their lives.

In response, the Palestinian resistance deployed their limited resources, including weapons and explosive devices, which they strategically planted at the camp's entrances and streets. The Israeli army issued evacuation warnings to the residents, given the shelling, live gunfire, and tear gas attacks. More than 4,000 Palestinians were forced to flee their homes in the camp, struggling to find safety amidst the chaos.

Eyewitness accounts

Muhammad Saleh, a 29-year-old resident of Jenin camp, told of his distressing experience during a phone call, highlighting the dire conditions faced by the camp's inhabitants.

He described the scarcity of essential resources like water, electricity, and food, as well as the fear and vulnerability experienced by children.

In pictures: Israel unleashes its military might on Jenin refugee camp

Saleh recounted his own ordeal, evacuating his family on foot, including his sick mother. He lamented the lack of concern shown by the Israeli army for the well-being of women, children, the elderly, and the sick, even in the vicinity of the Jenin Governmental Hospital.

Saleh recounted his own ordeal, evacuating his family on foot, including his sick mother. He lamented the lack of concern shown by the Israeli army for the well-being of women, children, the elderly, and the sick. He saw injured people and dead bodies in the street with no means available for evacuation.

He further mentioned the presence of injured individuals and dead bodies in the streets, with no means available for their transportation.

According to the Palestinian Ministry of Health, the military operation has resulted in the deaths of 10 Palestinians and the injury of 120 others. In contrast, the Israeli army claims to have arrested 120 individuals out of the 350 activists specifically targeted during the operation.

Reuters — A view of a mass grave at the funeral of Palestinians killed during an Israeli military operation, in Jenin in the Israeli-occupied West Bank July 5, 2023

The recent events unfolding in Jenin, 21 years after the last major invasion of Palestinian camps, raise pertinent questions about the motives behind the intensified aggression.

Jenin camp's cohesive identity

The Jenin camp was established in 1953 to provide shelter for Palestinian refugees. It is located northwest of the city from which it takes its name. Its origins can be traced back to the displacement of residents from neighbouring villages following the Palestinian Nakba in 1948 and the establishment of the State of Israel that same year.

Occupying an area of less than half a square kilometre, the camp is home to approximately 15,000 people.

Like other areas in the West Bank, the Jenin camp fell under Israeli occupation after 1967 until the signing of the Oslo Accords in 1993 between the Palestine Liberation Organisation and Israel. After that, the camp's security came under Palestinian control.

The camp's residents show strong social cohesion. Unlike many other cities and villages in the West Bank, the camp is not characterised by political divisions.

Dr. Ibrahim Rabaia, a Palestinian researcher in politics, says the camp's unity stems from its collective political identity rather than ethnic or tribal factors, making it a cohesive bloc.

The camp's residents show strong social cohesion. Unlike many other cities and villages in the West Bank, the camp is not characterised by political divisions.

Historically, the Fatah movement has held significant influence within the Jenin camp. During the first Palestinian Intifada in 1987, it served as a central hub for Black Panther groups affiliated with Fatah.

This continued until the emergence of the Islamic Jihad movement, which became the second-strongest presence in the camp. Despite these developments, the identity of the camp's residents remained rooted in their Palestinian national identity and commitment to the national project, a sentiment shared by the broader population of the city.

Continued and determined resistance

The fusion of political and military organisations within the camp, as well as their homogeneous nature among the residents, has contributed to its enduring cohesion, even during recent military operations.

This was evident in the calls and speeches made by camp residents during the operation, which were directed towards the resistance as a whole rather than a specific organisation.

AFP — Mourners carry the bodies of Palestinians killed in clashes the previous day in the Israeli military operation during the funeral in Jenin in the occupied West Bank on July 5, 2023.

The interconnectedness between the population and the resistance fighters, regardless of their affiliations, can be attributed to the blending of political and military processes in the camp.

2002 Israeli invasion

In 2002 – during the second Palestinian Intifada and the Israeli military operation known as the "Defensive Wall" – the Jenin camp experienced its largest invasion.

The operation, lasting for 10 days, was dubbed the Battle of Jenin. It resulted in the deaths of 53 Palestinians and 23 Israeli soldiers. Approximately 150 houses were destroyed, leaving 435 families from the camp homeless.

During the 2002 incursion, the Palestinian resistance in the camp was led by a generation that had been involved in the first Intifada.

Although their numbers were limited, they consisted of field activists, popular committee members, and individuals with military expertise gained from previous activities or their involvement in the security services following the formation of the Palestinian Authority in 1994.

The 2002 Israeli operation, lasting for 10 days, was dubbed the Battle of Jenin. It resulted in the deaths of 53 Palestinians and 23 Israeli soldiers. Approximately 150 houses were destroyed, leaving 435 families from the camp homeless.

After the significant invasion of Jenin in 2002, a period of relative calm settled in the camp. However, this did not mean that Palestinians had given up on the idea of resistance.

Rather, their determination grew as a result of the destruction, killings, and imprisonment of the camp's youth. These crimes continued until clashes in 2015, which led to further arrests and killings of Palestinians.

AFP — Mourners carry the bodies of Palestinians killed in clashes the previous day in the Israeli military operation during the funeral in Jenin in the occupied West Bank on July 5, 2023.

In response, Israel attempted to provide economic incentives to the camp. These measures included facilitating the entry of nearly 8,000 cars from the occupied territories into Jenin for shopping and city tours. This injection of money contributed to the growth of the local economy.

The export of agricultural products to Israel and the entry of a significant number of workers for employment opportunities followed.

Marginalised and humiliated

However, according to Rabaia's research these economic solutions did not address the fundamental needs of the population, which included freedom from military patrols, humiliation, and the arbitrary arrests of young people.

As a result, the youth of the Jenin camp started to feel marginalised. They rejected the occupation's policies and associated their resistance with the collective memory of the place.

Jamal Huwail, a leader in Jenin during the major invasion, highlighted this in his book "Living Memory". He observed that children born after 2002 were given names of their uncles, aunts, and relatives who had become martyrs. This practice kept the living memories alive, even for those who did not directly experience the events.

Children born after 2002 were given names of their uncles, aunts, and relatives who had become martyrs. This practice kept the living memories alive, even for those who did not directly experience the events.

Meanwhile, Rabaia found that these various factors, especially the ongoing Israeli practices and harassment, rekindled the memory and revived the experiences of the new generations.

The rejection of the existing state of the camp intensified, particularly among youth between the ages of 16 and 25. In response, they sought to define their own response, often without prior experience, and relied on self-made models.

AFP — Palestinian mourners march along a road with broken pavement and rubble during the funeral of Palestinians killed in clashes the previous day in the Israeli military operation in Jenin in the occupied West Bank on July 5.

One example is Nabil al-Amouri, a young man who was martyred during a clash with the Israeli army in 2021 and is credited with founding what became known as the Jenin Batallion.

The Jenin Battalion stands apart from the Palestinian Authority

Before 2020, the Palestinian security services employed settlement methods to address issues within the Jenin camp, avoiding direct confrontations.

However, with the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, the security services ceased their involvement in any way in the camp, particularly regarding resistance activities. This lack of restrictions or interference allowed for a shift in dynamics, as Rabaia explained.

In 2020, the name Jenin Battalion emerged, initially associated with a small number of individuals. It did not represent a traditional military organisation but rather developed as an idea rooted in the rejection of the prevailing political conditions.

The name encompassed all those who rejected the current circumstances and embraced armed resistance, independent of the conventional Palestinian factional organisations.

While lacking extensive military experience and formal training, this emerging group held a clear vision of rejecting the imposed reality and seeking freedom through armed resistance.

As the Jenin Battalion grew in numbers and popularity, it gained a significant following among the camp's young residents. These members were the children of the population who suffered the 2002 invasions, representing different age groups.

The Jenin Battalion gained a significant following among the camp's young residents. These members were the children of the population who suffered the 2002 invasions.

They demonstrated a strong moral commitment to their community and maintained their distance from traditional Palestinian political organisations and symbols. The battalion's size eventually reached around 350 members, according to recent statements by the army during the ongoing raid.

Shifting dynamics

However, the dynamics shifted after a few months, and the name of the battalion became associated with the Islamic Jihad Movement as its military arm in the camp.

According to Rabaia, as the battalion grew and expanded, "it seemed that they were seeking means to enhance their capabilities through training and financing. I believe that this was a calculated step on their part."

Even before the emergence of the Jenin Battalion, Israel had been critical of the Palestinian Authority leaders for their involvement in mourning events in Jenin and the change in the dynamics of resistance.

Growing popular support for the changing form of resistance was behind this criticism. Rabaia suggests that the interference of the Palestinian Authority and Israel's criticism are linked to a desire for control and a lack of political options between them.

Jenin camp stands out

Israel wants a Palestinian authority devoid of real power, sovereignty and political aspirations and only performs security functions. The Jenin camp stands out for its strong cohesion and popular support for a more ambitious leadership.

Israel wants a Palestinian authority devoid of real power, sovereignty and political aspirations and only performs security functions. The Jenin camp stands out for its strong cohesion and popular support for a more ambitious leadership.

In 2005, former Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon made the decision to unilaterally withdraw Israeli settlements from the Gaza Strip, including the city of Jenin.

This set Jenin apart from other cities and camps in the West Bank. The absence of nearby settlements made it more difficult for the local population to engage in popular peaceful protests.

The shift from an offensive state, as it was in the past, to a defensive state may have played a role in prompting the new generations to embrace armed resistance. This is particularly evident as military patrols continue to enter the area for search and arrest operations.

Furthermore, the Israeli extreme right has been making every effort to increase the number of settlers and settlements in the West Bank while limiting the presence of Palestinians in areas with high population density surrounded by settlements.

The process of Judaisation and land confiscation has been ongoing. According to Rabaia, there is now "a focus on planning and establishing a full-fledged settler state within the West Bank and Israel itself, while the discussion of a Palestinian state has become marginal."

In this context, he adds, the military operation against the Jenin camp can be understood as an attempt "to suppress and eliminate the state of rejection, which disrupts the plans of the far-right government, which is rapidly working towards establishing a settler state with the goal of reaching one million settlers in the West Bank by 2030."

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