Government drones redraw the rules of war in Yemen

A military expert writes about new weaponry on the battlefield that could tip the balance of power away from the Houthis, while also highlighting the challenges

Reuters/Al-Majalla

Government drones redraw the rules of war in Yemen

Yemen has long been a testing ground for highly lethal modern weapons, evidenced by the Houthi strike on Gulf Coalition forces and Yemeni allies in December 2015, using a Tochka ballistic missile, which killed well over 100 soldiers. For their part, forces allied to the Yemeni government have hammered Houthis with relentless airpower, inflicting thousands of casualties in grinding battles around Marib province from 2021 to 2022.

In the past, both Houthis and Yemeni forces enabled some of this conventional firepower with drones. The former used Rajum hexacopter bombers to stalk pro-government fighters, which accounted for 25% of their drone strikes, while the latter used US-made ScanEagles, which loitered around the battlefield for 20 hours per mission to seek out Houthi positions.

Much of this fighting involved a wide mix of systems. The Houthis were the first non-state group to use modern passive air defence systems, which have proven deadly to fighter jets and drones. They have long used Iranian-designed drones, most infamously the Shahed 136, the Wa’id in Houthi service and the Geran-2 in Russian use, which have been used to strike energy infrastructure across the Gulf and Ukraine, respectively. (The Geran-2 is based on the Iranian-designed HESA Shahed-136 kamikaze drone).

The Houthis have also pioneered unmanned explosive attack boats—a tactic that Ukrainian forces successfully adapted, which allowed them to inflict a major tactical setback on Russia’s Black Sea Fleet. Houthi drones have also reached as far as Israel and have been used to lethal effect against US forces. The fact that such a cheap system could inflict real destruction against a superpower has surprised many observers.

Dangerous phase

Despite the proliferation of this deadly technology, the war may be entering a dangerous new phase. Now that pro-government forces have been supplied with tactical drones with ranges from 5-100 kilometres, this round of fighting has the potential to grind into bloody deadlock, if the Ukraine war—where thousands of these systems are used per day—is a guide.

Diana Estefanía Rubio
Comparing arsenals: Yemeni army vs Houthis

For example, the Houthis have been quick to adopt fibre-optic-controlled drones, which Ukraine only started using three years after Russia’s invasion. Much has been made of the fact that because they do not need a radio link, they are impossible to jam with electronic warfare, which typically stops most drones. They also do not rely on the radio horizon, where hills and buildings can block radio control and cause drones to suddenly lose signal. To avoid this, a radio-controlled drone can fly higher, making it easier to detect.

Fibre-optic drones require specific skill to avoid snagging the cable but have terrifying ambush capability. They can sneak through valleys or down streets or even sit near roads as a kind of flying roadside bomb, which could prove especially useful in rugged, hilly terrain such as Taiz, where fighting is currently heavy.

Fibre-optic drones could prove especially useful in rugged, hilly terrain such as Taiz, where fighting is currently heavy

This development—along with the widespread use of drones for target acquisition—makes large formations of soldiers and vehicles vulnerable. As a result, they must disperse, which weakens their combat power—a critical dynamic in Ukraine. The Houthis are also once again proving adept at deep strike, imposing high costs to defend large energy infrastructure and airports, as well as threatening large, slow-moving ships. Tactical drones give them a defensive advantage on top of their existing offensive deep-strike capability, a similar mix that has allowed Ukraine's army to endure.

Potential for deadlock

Experienced observers of Yemen's long-running war would be quick to point out the Houthis' track record of adapting to new tactics and technology, but this is not a one-sided equation. Tactical drones now give both sides weaponry of comparable range and potency, risking a scenario also seen in Ukraine—the creation of a sort of no-man's land where neither side can move without being smashed by artillery or drone salvos, especially First-Person-View (FPV) systems.

REUTERS/Ayal Margolin
An FPV (first person view) drone with fibre optic cable, flies over the border from Lebanon to Israel as it is seen from the Israeli side of the border, on 19 May 2026.

The race is now on to adopt drone and counter-drone technology at scale to overwhelm the other side, particularly electronic warfare systems which can, in the right hands, locate enemy drone operators. These are hard, technical operations, but offer the chance to stop enemy drone operators, "shooting the archer, not the arrow."  For its part, Saudi Arabia has looked into procuring reprogrammed remote weapon stations on vehicles, or special gun turrets, so that the Yemeni army can take down fibre-optic controlled drones.

Finding a winning formula

In the bigger picture, airpower, persistent drone reconnaissance, and what experts call intelligence fusion from multiple sources (including satellite data) can speed up targeting cycles against the Houthis. When combined with artillery, this formula has seen some success breaking the drone-enabled stalemate in Ukraine, but it will not be easy to integrate such a targeting system with allies on the ground. It might require, for example, overcoming different communications hardware and tactical approaches.

There are other important caveats. For FPV training, any force operating in Yemen will need weeks—at least 15 days, and in some cases, months—to train an effective pilot. Training infrastructure must be built, including laptops and software for training pilots (to avoid wasting drones through crashes). Training must also cover safe munitions attachment and ideally, hardware and software modification.

Tactical drones now give both sides weaponry of comparable range and potency, risking a deadly stalemate scenario as seen in Ukraine

No easy feat

To say this would be easy is a huge understatement. Ukraine's army has spent years perfecting this approach. Another way to reduce drone exposure is to choke off Houthi supplies. The problem is that the Houthis have spent years building a web of smuggling routes optimised for small drone components, either by chance or design

The road ahead will be challenging, as the Houthis—like the Russians in the Ukraine war—have a tolerance for casualties that would halt other armies. Indeed, the Houthis may be able to field well over 350,000 soldiers against pro-government forces numbering over 400,000.

In order to avoid a deadly stalemate, Yemeni forces need to be trained to operate drone and counter-drone equipment far more quickly than the Houthis. In Yemen, where tribal intrigue has been rife, these efforts are notoriously difficult, but with the world's eyes set on securing a critical food and energy transit point, there may be no choice. 

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