A HALO for NATO: the Alliance is sharing its space assets

Military satellites of eight NATO states will be pooled, connected, and networked by the countries that own them to create a constellation, spreading both cost and reach. Others have had the same idea

The Hybrid Alliance Layered Operations in Space (HALO) initiative will combine the individual military satellites of eight NATO member states into a larger constellation.
Eduardo Ramon
The Hybrid Alliance Layered Operations in Space (HALO) initiative will combine the individual military satellites of eight NATO member states into a larger constellation.

A HALO for NATO: the Alliance is sharing its space assets

Several NATO member states have entered a new phase in their joint space operations, launching a series of multinational initiatives designed to connect national capabilities within a more integrated and resilient network. The programme, which does not include the United States, aims to strengthen their capacity for military communications, reconnaissance, early warning, and missile tracking.

At the forefront of these efforts is the Hybrid Alliance Layered Operations in Space (HALO) initiative, unveiled by eight countries during the defence industry forum held alongside the NATO summit in Ankara. It will combine their individual military satellites into a larger constellation. This will help them share costs and extend their coverage. Although the states’ military satellites will now be connected within a unified space network, each country will continue to own and control its assets.

Canada, Denmark, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and Türkiye launched HALO on 7 July 2026. It was announced alongside the expansion of programmes focused on rapid satellite launch and continuous space-based surveillance. Canada, Spain and Türkiye also declared new contributions to NATO’s space infrastructure.

It points to a deeper shift in the Alliance’s strategic outlook, as space becomes more central to NATO’s defence planning. The networked satellites will support high-speed military communications, intelligence gathering, and missile tracking, while reducing the financial burden of constructing a fully integrated national space fleet in isolation.

Modern warfare has increased the importance of a country’s ability to connect its satellites with those of its allies and operate them as part of a resilient network capable of exchanging data and remaining functional even under attack, such as by jamming. Similar efforts are underway in other international alliances, fostering a rivalry among interconnected space networks and coalitions. The advantage may ultimately belong to those best able to connect systems, manage them efficiently, and exploit the data they generate, rather than those with the largest satellite fleets.

Connectivity and integration

NATO does not have its own satellite constellation. From 1970-93, it launched eight dedicated communications satellites, but from 2005 it gradually moved away from operating satellites under its own ownership and began relying instead on services supplied by the national military satellite systems of member states. Today, NATO operates through the sixth generation Satellite Communications Services (SCS) programme, which began in January 2020 and will run until the end of 2034.

Julien de Rosa/AFP
Crew of a French Army AWACS (Airborne Warning and Control System) plane at a military base in French Guiana for a surveillance mission during the launch of the Ariane VI rocket.

The programme gives the Alliance access to four national military systems: France’s Syracuse, Italy’s SICRAL, Britain’s Skynet, and the United States’ Wideband Global SATCOM system, commonly known as WGS. Three levels of communication are provided by SCS. The first carries large volumes of data to military bases and deployed units; the second is reserved for tactical communications among forces in combat; and the third provides more secure and resilient communications immune from jamming.

The NATO Communications and Information Agency distributes user requirements across the satellite capacity supplied by the four participating countries. Through this arrangement, the Alliance gains access to a shared satellite communications service without owning the satellites themselves or exercising direct control over them. HALO is intended to expand and develop this model, rather than replace it.

Instead of relying solely on the purchase of communications capacity from national satellites, the eight participating countries will connect their military satellites within what NATO has described as ‘a vast and interconnected constellation’. Once the project strengthens connectivity and operational integration, the network is intended to support high-speed communications, the transmission of intelligence data, and missile tracking.

NATO is not proposing to launch a satellite called HALO. Rather, the initiative is about creating a network layer connecting military space systems that already exist (or may later be developed). NATO has not said how many satellites will be incorporated, whether data will be exchanged directly between them (or routed through ground stations), or what their operational orbits will be. Similarly lacking was information about frequencies, communications protocols, encryption, budget, or timetable.

Distributing the burden

NATO’s Deputy Secretary-General has described HALO as an exploratory initiative examining the feasibility of developing such a constellation, but the purpose seems clear. A constellation operated by a single state may be vulnerable to cyberattacks, jamming, or physical destruction, while also facing limits in its ability to transmit large quantities of data independently.

Through HALO, the Alliance can distribute communications, intelligence gathering, and missile tracking across satellites belonging to several countries. Should one system or asset be disabled, the network could allow some functions or data to be redirected through other assets. This makes it harder for an adversary to disrupt operations by striking a small number of critical satellites.

Brady Kenniston/AFP
The Spectrum rocket from German space company Isar Aerospace that exploded seconds after launch on March 30, 2025 at Andoya Spaceport in Norway.

The HALO model accords with NATO’s wider space policy, which makes clear that the Alliance does not aspire to become an independent space power and has no plans to develop satellites of its own. Each member-state retains full sovereignty over its satellites and space capabilities, while providing data and services to the Alliance voluntarily and in accordance with national law. HALO therefore gives NATO a means of expanding its capabilities without acquiring and managing a centralised constellation, while leaving sensitive space assets under the direct control of states.

NATO’s space strategy encompasses more than the protection of satellites from jamming and attack. Since designating space as its fifth operational domain in 2019, the Alliance has sought to integrate space-based services more fully into military operations and to establish a shared picture of activity and threats in orbit. It also aims to share information among members, enhance interoperability, and preserve communications, navigation and missile warning systems during crises and war.

In its 2022 Strategic Concept, NATO pledged to strengthen its ability to deter, detect, counter, and respond to threats in space, while improving the resilience of the systems on which collective defence depends. These efforts are coordinated through NATO’s Space Operations Centre at Ramstein Air Base in Germany, which operates within Allied Air Command. The centre assumed its present form in 2024 and serves as a link between NATO commanders and national space centres and agencies. It gathers requests for imagery, communications, and other space-derived data, then coordinates their provision by member states.

HALO fits within this framework by giving the centre access to a broader network of interconnected national satellites, instead of requiring it to deal with each national capability separately. The initiative therefore accelerates the delivery of data to commanders, expands coverage, and reduces the risk that military operations could be disrupted by the loss of a single satellite or national system.

Contest for control

Other alliances are pursuing similar integration. In 2014, the US, UK, Australia, and Canada (four of the five-member ‘Five Eyes’ grouping) established the Combined Space Operations (CSO) initiative. France, Germany, and New Zealand (the fifth member) later joined, followed by Italy, Japan and Norway. The CSO initiative coordinates military activity in space, aligns planning, improves the interoperability of national systems, and facilitates the exchange of information on satellites and threats in orbit.

Canada, Denmark, Finland, Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, and Türkiye launched HALO on 7 July 2026

Operation Olympic Defender gives this cooperation an operational form. Led by US Space Command, it gives a shared picture of orbital activity, coordinates the protection of satellites, and responds to movements or manoeuvres that may pose a threat. In September 2025, the US and UK conducted a joint manoeuvre in which a US satellite approached a British satellite to inspect it. The operation showed that cooperation had moved beyond data-sharing and ground-based exercises to include direct and coordinated manoeuvres between satellites in orbit.

The European Union (EU) has adopted a different model. Through its Governmental Satellite Communications programme, it pools capacity supplied by member states and commercial providers, then makes it available to European governments through a common platform. This arrangement allows states to secure communications during crises and disasters without having to maintain a complete national constellation of their own.

The EU is also developing IRIS, a project intended to establish a secure European communications network using satellites deployed across several orbits. The project serves a wider purpose than defence alone; it forms part of a broader effort to reduce Europe's dependence on non-European networks and companies in government communications and critical infrastructure.

Olivier Chassignole/AFP
A French soldier wears the patch of the Air Defence and Air Operations Command (CDAOA - Commandementde la Défense Aérienne et des Opérations Aériennes). France takes command of NATO's Allied Reaction Force (ARF) inJuly 2026.

The BRICS countries (a grouping named after its original members—Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) have pursued a model less directly tied to military operations. The founder states agreed to establish a virtual constellation composed of remote-sensing satellites owned by the member states. This is used to exchange imagery and data concerning disasters, climate, and the environment, but each satellite remains under national control, and ownership is not transferred to the group.

Despite its civilian character, the project rests on the same principle as HALO: existing national capabilities are woven into a broader network without requiring the construction of a common fleet from the ground up.

A new model

A state's strength in space increasingly depends not on the number of satellites launched but on the ability to connect satellites, ground stations, and command centres belonging to several countries within a single integrated system. This integration creates a new form of military interdependence. One state may come to rely on an ally's satellites for communications, surveillance, or missile warning, but national sovereignty nevertheless remains intact, since each country retains ultimate authority over its satellites and over the nature and extent of the data it chooses to share.

Such an arrangement may grant greater influence within an alliance to states with the most advanced satellites, the strongest command and control infrastructure, and the broadest capacity to process and analyse data. At the same time, the boundaries of confrontation in space grow less distinct. An attack on a national satellite serving several countries could disrupt the operations of the whole alliance, turning a strike against an asset of one state into a wider collective crisis.

Alexandra Beier/AFP
A visitor stands inside the planetarium of the European Southern Observatory (ESO) in Garching, southern Germany on September 2, 2025.

HALO brings this challenge into clear focus. States may agree on the technical integration of their satellites while differing in wartime over how those assets should be employed. A country may refuse to direct one of its satellites in support of a military operation it does not endorse or restrict the imagery and intelligence it makes available to allies. Disputes may also arise over mission priority when more than one command seeks access to the same satellite at the same time.

An attack on one of these satellites would present a further dilemma. NATO has said that a major attack on space assets could lead to the invocation of Article 5 on collective defence, but it would depend on the nature, scale, and consequences of the attack. The issue becomes more complex when a satellite belongs to one country but serves a military network used by the Alliance as a whole. In such a case, the immediate target may be a national asset, while the consequences extend to collective operations.

The success of space alliances will therefore depend on rules agreed in advance governing data sharing, the allocation of responsibility, and decision-making during crises. Real strength will lie in the ability of states to act swiftly and effectively as one alliance when the network is put to the test.

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