World Cup songs: from local themes to global industry

Football’s biggest tournament has come to adopt a single soundtrack every four years to give each offering a distinct identity. Is this genuine culture, or a mass marketing technique?

Stefano Summo

World Cup songs: from local themes to global industry

Rewind almost a century, to the 1930s, and the FIFA World Cup had no need to produce an official song or fashion a unified sonic identity. This was a purely sporting event, shaped by the era's politics and communication methods. Match results were printed in newspapers, and fans followed the games either from inside the stadium or via shortwave radio. In that era, the World Cup’s soundscape was confined to the spontaneous reactions of the terraces and the referee’s whistle.

No institutional vision had yet emerged to connect the tournament with the creation of a parallel musical memory. Football had not yet become a transcontinental cultural product; it remained a physically competitive sport untouched by ambitions to commodify supporters’ passions and export it as a globalised form of entertainment.

The absence of an official audio archive reflected the nature of the period and the self-sufficiency of local identities, each drawing on its own modes of expression. Sporting activity still rested on a clear separation between competitive value and the mechanisms of commercial marketing. The immediate impact of the event ended with the match itself, rather than living on via audio media or targeted advertising.

Things began to change with some limited individual or local initiatives that lacked the status of an ‘official’ song but nevertheless prepared the ground for linking the FIFA World Cup to the aesthetics of sound broadcasting. At the 1934 World Cup in Italy, the host nation was ruled by the fascist dictator Benito Mussolini. The song played during the trophy ceremony, Cancion Azzura, showed how military rhythms and classical orchestral arrangements were used to project the strength of the state and present a polished image of Italian cultural superiority before foreign delegations, fusing politics and sport.

The 1950 World Cup in Brazil witnessed the birth of the La Copa del Mundo chant. Its melodic structure drew on early samba rhythms and brass instruments. Although it had no institutional recognition from FIFA, it represented the first conscious attempt to craft a lyrical text celebrating the World Cup as an event, and was played in stadia and broadcast on local radio stations to mobilise Brazilian crowds.

This embryonic phase culminated at the 1958 World Cup in Sweden with VM-Marsch, a military march with a dry, classical rhythm that reflected the conservative Scandinavian cultural temperament of the time. It was composed by Swedish musician Martin Ekström and remains one of the most recognisable and nostalgic sports anthems in Swedish football. The song emphasised the values of sportsmanship and fair competition in a traditional chant-like style, far removed from dance or entertainment. That edition therefore stands as one of the last sonic milestones before the explosion of pop culture and the tournament’s entry into the age of football as a mass television commodity.

Shift towards visuals

With the development of visual media, football moved beyond its limited spatial frame into global broadcasting. This reshaped the cultural consumption of sport, where events became visual and sonic spectacles engineered to meet the demands of the screen. This helps explain the emerging need for a fixed auditory element that could give the tournament a distinctive identity across languages, condensing the event into a brief melodic theme for broadcast.

The 1962 World Cup in Chile marks this transformation with the release of El Rock del Mundial by Los Ramblers. The song was the first institutionalised link between music and the FIFA organising committee. Its significance lies in part in the choice of rock ‘n roll—then associated with youth and protest—in a sporting space governed by conservative administrative structures. This further eroded the boundaries between culture, music, and sport.

Despite the success of the Chilean experiment, this direction did not immediately become a fixed marketing strategy. Between 1966 and 1986, World Cup songs continued to be shaped more by the socio-cultural particularities of host countries than by any drive to transform them into a unified global entertainment project. The songs often presented the national and political identity of the host state.

At the 1966 World Cup in England, for instance, the tournament’s musical theme was tied to the official mascot—World Cup Willie—and drew on light British pop rhythms, while in Mexico in 1970, the theme was folkloric mariachi music showcasing Latin identity. At the 1978 World Cup in Argentina, the tournament song took on a more complex character with the involvement of Italian composer Ennio Morricone, who fashioned an epic orchestral theme. Marcha del Mundial (also widely known as El Mundial) emphasised the values of sportsmanship and fair competition in a traditional chant-like style, far removed from dance or entertainment.

Beyond background

Spain followed in 1982 with opera singer Plácido Domingo’s song El Mundial, intended to give the event a classical aura. Yet there was still no unified musical identity for the tournament as an independent entity; the songs were merely national representations within a global space.

The structural transformation began at the 1990 World Cup in Italy with Un’estate Italiana (An Italian Summer). For the first time, the music moved beyond the background, such as in an opening broadcast signature. In so doing, it elicited emotional responses and collective memory among international audiences. Through its melodic structure and its performers, the song became a shared sonic motif around the world.

This prompted FIFA to reconsider the musical ‘product’ of World Cup competitions as a functional instrument capable of unifying consumption patterns and shaping a shared emotional climate around the event. The timing coincided with the rise of cultural and economic globalisation in the 1990s, with the consolidation of media markets and the emergence of transcontinental satellite channels. The World Cup song therefore became a cross-border marketing tool.

The 1998 World Cup in France witnessed a commercial turn with Ricky Martin’s La Copa de la Vida, which moved beyond conventional artistic success to become a vast marketing phenomenon, permeating broadcast channels, multinational corporate advertising campaigns, and global commercial markets. Some think this was the beginning of the commodification of sporting emotion.

Open to manufacture

Crowd interaction and collective excitement were now understood to be convertible, from spontaneous behavioural phenomena into raw material open to manufacture, modelling, and commercial redistribution. The World Cup song thereby acquired autonomy as a cultural and economic product in its own right, with its own cycle of production and profit, independent of the technical details of the tournament or the performance levels of the participating teams.

At the 2002 Korea-Japan World Cup and the 2006 World Cup in Germany, the official song was fully integrated into the complex marketing and planning mechanisms of major production companies. This narrowed the space available for artistic experimentation or the expression of cultural plurality. Instead, the emphasis was on securing the broadest reach.

The history of the World Cup song is that of a mirror, reflecting the structural transformations in the political economy of global culture

This new economic logic produced a standardised modelling of songs, using fast, repetitive electronic rhythms and a hybrid, simplified linguistic structure that was easily absorbed and repeated across different countries. The songs were accompanied by broad, politically neutral themes centred on unity and peace. In 2006, the song The Time of Our Lives was designed with an epic arrangement suited to high-definition television broadcasting, capable of serving as an audio backdrop for slow-motion replays.

A deeper sociological transformation took shape during the 2010 World Cup in South Africa through Shakira's Waka Waka. The song helped redefine the role of the audience within digital media and social networks, moving the public from passive consumption to active participation in the production and distribution of cultural material, filming and sharing clips that imitated the song's expressive dance movements.

Still, it remained centralised in production. Sporting institutions and sponsoring companies leveraged this voluntary digital interaction to reduce marketing costs and ensure the product's viral spread. This, in turn, illuminates the workings of digital capitalism, which recycles free human activity into data and financial value.

At the 2014 World Cup in Brazil and the 2018 World Cup in Russia, the World Cup song entered a phase of mechanical standardised repetition. Official songs displayed a striking structural and melodic resemblance, despite the diversity of the performers' artistic backgrounds. This stemmed from the logic of market mechanisms and an aversion to creative risk as the scale of financial investment increased. Producers preferred to rely on previously tested melodic formulas.

The result was a form of standardisation that made the songs feel like assembly-line products, raising critical questions. Can such globalised forms absorb genuine cultural diversity, or do they function as instruments for imposing a single entertainment model that erases cultural distinctions in favour of unified consumer values?

At the 2022 World Cup in Qatar, a different strategy was adopted: releasing a full musical album featuring diverse voices and musical styles, rather than focusing on a single official song. This reflected a multipolar world and the impossibility of reducing contemporary patterns of consumption to one cultural mould.

Still, this felt like 'managed diversity,' with melodic and linguistic patterns distributed through planning mechanisms aimed at specific geographic and market segments to achieve the broadest marketing coverage. In this way, cultural plurality was transformed from a free expressive value into a tool for market segmentation and greater efficiency in commercial consumption.

A terrace rebellion

Against this top-down production system, alternative expressive phenomena emerge within sporting spaces, driven independently by the crowds. In tournaments, the terraces adopt their own songs, such as singing the bassline of Seven Nation Army by The White Stripes. These often have a greater capacity for survival and integration into collective memory than official works tied to a fixed commercial shelf-life.

This sociological paradox shows how the music of greatest influence may now be created outside FIFA's institutional frameworks, arising from the crowd rather than subject to prior design. This exposes the limits of capitalist mechanisms in fully monopolising the sonic field or exercising absolute control over human forms of expression.

In many ways, the history of the World Cup song is that of a mirror, reflecting the structural transformations in the political economy of global culture, from the age of independent local identities to that of comprehensive marketing globalisation and more contemporary digital realities governed by algorithms and fragmented taste cultures.

With the rise of short-form video platforms—which contribute to audience fragmentation and the creation of consumer bubbles tailored to each individual's digital preferences—the future ability of major institutions to produce a unified global audio soundtrack for major sporting competitions remains in question.

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