Iran steps up Syria destabilisation efforts

Hezbollah is recruiting new cells in Syria's west, while Iraqi militias are doing the same in the east. For its part, Damascus readies its forces to respond to any threat.

A Syrian army soldier stands guard next to an armoured vehicle positioned along the Syrian–Lebanese border in the rural area of Al Qusayr on 1 April 2026.
BAKR ALKASEM / AFP
A Syrian army soldier stands guard next to an armoured vehicle positioned along the Syrian–Lebanese border in the rural area of Al Qusayr on 1 April 2026.

Iran steps up Syria destabilisation efforts

Iran’s attempts to destabilise Syria have continued since its strategic project collapsed with the fall of the Assad regime on 8 December 2024. Since then, Tehran has sought to reorganise its activities in Syria through its regional proxies, chiefly Lebanese Hezbollah and affiliated Iraqi militias, using a range of methods and strategies.

It appears to have divided responsibilities among its militias across the region. Lebanese Hezbollah is seeking to recruit new cells in southern Syria, rural Damascus, Homs, areas overlooking the Lebanese border, and coastal towns and cities. Iraqi militias, meanwhile, are overseeing recruitment in eastern Syria, including Deir ez-Zor, Al Bukamal, and areas along the Iraqi border.

In response, the Syrian government has mobilised its resources to confront these mobilisations. According to information obtained by Al Majalla, the Syrian government recently enhanced its monitoring of Iranian cell movement inside Syria. Since the beginning of April, it has carried out more than ten security operations against these cells. The latest took place on Tuesday, 5 May, when it dismantled an “organised” cell affiliated with Lebanese Hezbollah, whose members had infiltrated Syrian territory from Lebanon after “receiving intensive specialised training”.

Shrinked influence

Tehran's shrinking influence in Syria represents a crippling blow to a geopolitical project in which it had invested decades of effort and vast sums of money. Iran had long used Syrian territory as a land corridor to finance and arm Lebanese Hezbollah, as well as a hub for its militias to smuggle and manufacture tonnes of narcotic pills. These drugs moved from Syria towards Jordan and the Gulf states, and through the Syrian coast to Europe and Arab countries on the Mediterranean.

Iran also deployed foreign militias under its command, alongside Lebanese Hezbollah and Iraqi militias, while establishing local armed groups intended to serve as a Syrian military force loyal to Tehran rather than to the Syrian army.

Getty
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad (C) holds a reception in honour of the Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad (L) with the presence of Hezbollah chief Hassan Nasrallah (R) on February 25, 2010 in Damascus, Syria.

The Assad regime facilitated this strategy, not just by turning a blind eye to Iranian activity but also by providing all the facilities needed for the passage of money and weapons shipments through Syrian territory. During the years of the Syrian revolution, from 2011 to 2024, Bashar al-Assad granted Tehran a base at Damascus International Airport for Iranian military advisers.

He also turned Syrian military bases into staging grounds and weapons depots for the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, Lebanese Hezbollah, Iraqi militias, and non-Arab transnational militias backed by Iran, such as the Fatemiyoun and Zainabiyoun brigades, as well as dozens of local militias.

Iran is continuing its efforts to reactivate its cells in Syria, using its militias in Iraq and Lebanon to that end. Al Majalla has learned that recruitment attempts and movements by Iranian-backed Iraqi militias and Lebanese Hezbollah have intensified since the war in Iran began in late February.

The reason lies in Tehran’s desire to widen the scope of the war launched against it by Washington and Tel Aviv. It has directly targeted Gulf states under the pretext of striking American sites, pushed its militias in Iraq to target the Gulf, particularly Kuwait, and Lebanese Hezbollah has carried out attacks on Israel, dragging Lebanon into a new war.

Hezbollah also tried to push its cells in Syria to launch attacks against neighbouring states from Syrian territory, but the Syrian government was able to thwart these plans through operations in rural Damascus, southern Syria, and Deir ez-Zor.

Recruitment efforts

Al Majalla has learned from several local sources in Deir ez-Zor that Iraqi militias are trying to contact individuals who had belonged to Iranian-backed militia formations under the former regime, seeking to entice them with monthly salaries.

ANWAR AMRO / AFP
Sunni and Shiite Muslim clerics stand beneath an Iranian flag during a rally to support Hezbollah outside the Iranian embassy in Beirut on 26 March 2026.

At the same time, Lebanese Hezbollah is carrying out similar recruitment efforts in southern Syria, rural Damascus, and the towns and villages overlooking the Syrian-Lebanese border in rural Homs and along the Syrian coast. These recruitment drives aim to enlist former smugglers to support cross-border operations involving money, weapons, and narcotics. They also seek to recruit former fighters for use in operations against the Syrian government and its officials, as well as in cross-border attacks launched from southern Syria.

Smuggling operations from Iraq into Syria involve narcotics, money, and weapons, while those from Lebanon into Syria are used to move narcotics and individuals. Smuggling from Syria into Lebanon, by contrast, is now almost entirely limited to attempts to transfer weapons hidden in Syria that Hezbollah had possessed during the Assad era, in addition to funds arriving from Iran through Iraq and Syria.

Lingering drug trade

Drug-smuggling attempts from Syria into Jordan, though far less frequent than under Assad’s rule, continue along various routes. Sources in southern Syria told Al Majalla that the main substances smugglers are trying to move into Jordan are Captagon pills and hashish brought from Lebanon into Syria through smugglers and dealers linked to Lebanese Hezbollah, as well as crystal meth smuggled from Iraq through smugglers and dealers connected to Iraqi militias. This trade remains one of the principal sources of funding for Iran-linked militias in Lebanon, Iraq, and the wider region.

These smuggling operations rely on car drivers, porters crossing rugged terrain on foot, plastic mortar shells filled with Captagon pills and hashish, as well as balloons and cheap drones. The shift in strategies and smuggling methods was noted by the Jordanian army in its statement issued on 3 May, which said that drug traffickers and smugglers had begun using new patterns in their operations.

Jordan steps in

Most smuggling at present passes through areas outside the control of the Syrian government in southern Sweida, where the National Guard forces in Sweida hold sway. This explains why the Jordanian army has intervened instead of Syrian government forces, which are pursuing drug traffickers and smugglers in Daraa and in border towns and areas with Jordan and Iraq that are fully under its control.

SHADI AL-DUBAISI / AFP
Locals survey the damage following a Jordanian strike on reported drugs and weapons storage facilities in the village of Busan, in the southern Druze-majority province of Sweida, on 2 May 2026.

At dawn on Sunday, 3 May, the Jordanian army launched several airstrikes on sites belonging to drug manufacturers and smugglers. In its statement, it said it had targeted “a number of sites belonging to arms and drug traffickers”, explaining that it had relied on “intelligence and operational information” to identify “the locations of factories, workshops, and warehouses used by these groups as launch points for their operations towards Jordanian territory, where they were targeted and destroyed”.

To confront attempts by Iran and its militias to destabilise Syria and the wider region, and to prevent Syrian territory from being used as a platform for attacks against regional states or as an instrument in Iran’s efforts to spread chaos and undermine regional security, Damascus has made changes among the officials and commanders responsible for tracking Iranian and militia cells in Syria.

In April, the Syrian government reinforced the team of officials and commanders responsible for tracking and countering Iranian-linked cells, particularly those with knowledge of Iranian militia methods and tactics and experience in devising plans to pursue small, concealed networks.

Damascus has also strengthened coordination between the Internal Security Forces, intelligence services and the departments responsible for interrogating detainees affiliated with these cells. The aim is to accelerate security operations against remaining cells, identify their methods and communication channels, and uncover their short- and long-term plans.

Intensfied crackdown

The Syrian government is now moving at a rapid pace to confront these cells, from arrest to interrogation, and then to security operations based on intelligence and leads obtained from detainees. The operations carried out since last February reveal a marked improvement in the Syrian government’s ability to confront these cells.

The Syrian Ministry of Interior announced on 5 May, that, in cooperation with the General Intelligence Service, it had succeeded “in delivering a crushing pre-emptive blow to a terrorist plot targeting the country’s security and its symbols”. This was achieved through “simultaneous security operations covering the governorates of rural Damascus, Aleppo, Homs, Tartous and Latakia”, which resulted in “the dismantling of an organised cell affiliated with the Hezbollah militia, whose members had infiltrated Syrian territory after receiving intensive specialised training in Lebanon”.

BAKR ALKASEM / AFP
Syrian army soldiers patrol along the Syrian–Lebanese border in the rural area of Al Qusayr on 1 April 2026.

According to the statement, the arrested cell “was preparing to implement a sabotage agenda that included systematic assassinations targeting senior government figures”. The statement added that “specialised units” had “seized a full arsenal of military equipment”, including “explosive devices prepared for detonation, RPG launchers and rounds, automatic rifles, quantities of hand grenades and various types of ammunition, as well as surveillance and technical support equipment, including specialised binoculars and cameras”. The statement said the cell had reached “the highest stage of readiness to begin implementing its sabotage agenda”.

The Syrian Ministry of Interior had also announced on 19 April, that it had thwarted attempts aimed at destabilising the country and harming public security, explaining that these efforts were being driven by elements of the former regime and cells linked to Lebanese Hezbollah.

The ministry said that one of the foiled attempts took place in Quneitra governorate, where a cell linked to Lebanese Hezbollah was arrested while planning to carry out cross-border attacks from the area. This was a clear indication that the cell was seeking to target Israeli territory from inside Syria. According to the Ministry of Interior, the weapons confiscated included rockets and launch platforms “prepared and professionally concealed on board a civilian vehicle”.

Hezbollah had bolstered the presence of its members and forces along the Syrian-Lebanese border and had sent in personnel, including Syrian fighters who had served in the ranks of the former regime and militias affiliated with Hezbollah and Iran, before fleeing Syria after the Assad regime fell in December 2024.

The group was trying to recruit former fighters from the ranks of Iranian-backed militias that had operated in Syria under the Assad regime, offering monthly salaries of up to $300. It further noted that the Syrian government had repeatedly assured Lebanese leaders that it had no desire for any direct confrontation with Lebanese Hezbollah, and that intervention in Lebanon was not part of Damascus’s plans.

However, Damascus argued that the Lebanese government must exert every possible effort to secure its border with Syria and prevent Hezbollah from pursuing its agenda and launching attacks through Syrian territory.

BAKR ALKASEM / AFP
Syrian army soldiers patrol along the Syrian–Lebanese border in the rural area of Al Qusayr on 1 April 2026.

Strengthening coordination

The Syrian government is seeking to strengthen its coordination with Amman and Baghdad against cross-border smuggling, a matter Damascus regards as central to Syrian security. The smuggling of weapons, drugs, and people undermines Damascus’s efforts to restore security and prevent Iran from spreading chaos inside the country. These operations also threaten Arab and regional security, as they supply Iran-backed militias with weapons and money, enabling them to spread narcotics across the region to finance themselves and carry out military operations against regional states in service of Tehran’s agenda.

According to Damascus, that agenda seeks to undermine stability in the Middle East and obstruct regional efforts to build the planned energy pipeline expected to run through Syria from Saudi Arabia and Jordan to the Syrian coast and Türkiye.

Damascus believes Tel Aviv's policy in southern Syria is helping spread the very security vacuum that Iran and Lebanese Hezbollah seek to exploit

Communication channels remain open between Damascus and both Amman and Baghdad, and several Syrian security operations have shown this coordination taking shape on the ground. At the end of April, the Syrian government dismantled a major smuggling network that had been moving weapons and drugs across the Syrian-Iraqi border.

The coordinated operation resulted in "the seizure of 1,730,000 Captagon pills prepared for smuggling to a neighbouring country", according to a statement by the Syrian Ministry of Interior. Less than two weeks later, on 2 May, the ministry also announced that it had dismantled an international smuggling ring and uncovered secret manufacturing sites.

AFP
Members of the Syrian security forces at a drug factory in the city of Douma in Eastern Ghouta on the eastern outskirts of Damascus, on 12 December 2024.

It added that, following "precise intelligence monitoring and surveillance operations, the Anti-Narcotics Department dismantled an international smuggling network operating in the border area of Rankous, and seized a massive shipment containing nearly one million Captagon pills and one kilogram of hashish, which had come from Lebanon to be smuggled across Syrian territory towards neighbouring countries".

Syrian security forces were also able to "take control of old sites that had been used to manufacture Captagon pills, containing quantities of raw materials, machinery, and advanced logistical equipment".

In April, the Jordanian government thwarted more than 20 drug-smuggling operations from Syria into Jordan, around eight of them in a single day. The largest proportion of these operations occurred across the Syrian-Jordanian border in areas under the authority of the National Guard, affiliated with Sweida factions.

In addition, a joint Syrian-Jordanian operation on 9 April at the Nassib border crossing foiled an attempt to smuggle key materials used in the manufacture of Captagon, as well as hashish. During the same month, the Syrian government also arrested a drug trafficker in rural Damascus while he was transporting Captagon pills towards the Jordanian border along a route in the Badia east of Tulul Al Safa.

SHADI AL-DUBAISI / AFP
Locals survey the damage following a Jordanian strike on reported drugs and weapons storage facilities in the village of Busan, in the southern Druze-majority province of Sweida, on 2 May 2026.

In a notable development, Jordanian aircraft launched several airstrikes at dawn on 3 May, targeting sites in southern Sweida that the Jordanian army said were used to store weapons and drugs. Jordan's intervention reflects the operational paralysis facing the Syrian government in its efforts to restore security and combat smuggling in southern Syria.

The Jordanian airstrikes hit areas where the Syrian government has no intention of launching operations, namely southern Sweida, which is controlled by the National Guard and other Sweida factions. Damascus wishes to avoid a confrontation with Israel, which says it is protecting the Druze of Sweida, including factions that host fighters and commanders formerly affiliated with the regime's army and Iranian militias. Damascus views these groups as a direct threat to Syrian and regional security.

The dismantling operations and intercepted smuggling attempts, which intensified in April, suggest that Iranian-backed and local militias in the area have recently been seeking new sources of revenue. This, in turn, points to the funding shortages these militias are facing amid Iran's war with the United States and Israel since late February.

Southern Syria is entangled in a complex security and political knot. Israel stands as a protective wall for the factions of Sweida and is using the issue as a bargaining card with Damascus to reach a security agreement aligned with Israel's regional calculations, one that could serve as a cornerstone for normalisation between Damascus and Tel Aviv.

Meanwhile, Damascus believes Tel Aviv's policy in southern Syria is helping spread the very security vacuum that Iran and Lebanese Hezbollah seek to exploit It also believes this policy is obstructing efforts to combat and end the manufacture and smuggling of drugs in southern Syria.

Washington has recently turned its attention to southern Syria. Al Majalla has learned from a Western source that, in recent weeks, the United States has begun working to ease the deadlock there and inject momentum into stalled negotiations between Damascus and Tel Aviv.

While Washington doesn't foresee an imminent breakthrough because of the wide gap between the governments of Damascus and Tel Aviv, it believes the situation in southern Syria must be resolved because of its major importance to regional security and to the US administration's drive to dismantle Iran's remaining economic and military capabilities in the Middle East.

Jordanian Foreign Ministry / AFP
Syria's interim foreign minister Asaad al-Shaibani, Jordan's Foreign Minister Ayman Safadi, and US special envoy for Syria Tom Barrack meet in Amman on 12 August 2025.

Al Majalla's sources expect Washington to apply greater pressure on Tel Aviv to resolve the impasse in southern Syria and separate the Sweida issue from the security negotiations between the two sides. At the same time, Washington may press Damascus to reach an agreement with Sweida's factions without sliding into direct military confrontation. The sources suggest that one possible solution Washington may support is an agreement between Damascus and Sweida, similar to the one reached between Damascus and the SDF.

For Damascus, unifying southern Syria's armed forces and territory, and extending government control over the area, is central to confronting smuggling operations. Damascus believes Amman shares its position on this question, pointing to Jordan's categorical rejection of any solution in the south that grants local forces military autonomy, as well as its refusal to coordinate or cooperate with any local Syrian force outside the authority of the Syrian government.

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