Israel's race towards regime change in Iran

Israel knows its military operation cannot last forever, so it is racing to either kill or fatally wound the Islamic Republic before the clock runs out

Al Majalla

Israel's race towards regime change in Iran

Israel and the United States are three days into the most consequential military campaign in the Middle East since the 2003 Iraq invasion—a joint operation explicitly aimed at dismantling Iran's military capabilities and toppling the Islamic Republic. On 28 February 2026, Operation Roaring Lion (Israel) and Operation Epic Fury (US) launched coordinated strikes that killed Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, decapitated Iran's senior military leadership, and targeted nuclear facilities, ballistic missile sites, and naval infrastructure across the country.

The operation represents the culmination of a two-year strategic arc that began with Israel's October 2024 destruction of Iran's air defences and accelerated through the June 2025 12-Day War. It marks a fundamental shift from decades of containment to direct confrontation—a gamble premised on the belief that Iran's regime has never been weaker, its proxies never more degraded, and the window for action never more open.

The gradual escalation has pushed Israel away from its pre-October 7 doctrine of the “campaign between the wars” and toward a strategy aimed at winning the war itself. The previous strategy of containment sought to weaken adversaries through repeated, limited strikes while staying below the threshold of full-scale war. Its logic was preventive: avoid a regional conflagration by steadily degrading Iran’s capabilities and denying Tehran a path to victory if a larger conflict ever erupted. However, since the October 7 Hamas attacks, Israel’s leadership increasingly shifted to a “total-victory” approach.

That shift did not happen overnight, and it is partly the result of Iran’s own miscalculations. In roughly two years, Tehran saw key pillars of its deterrence erode. The centrepiece of Iran’s forward defence was Hezbollah—widely estimated to possess up to 150,000 rockets and missiles before October 7—enough to cause mass casualties and sustained disruption inside Israel.

Decades of Iranian investment in Hezbollah created a clear warning: if Israel struck Iran directly, the Lebanese militant group could answer with large-scale barrages that might saturate Israeli air defences, threaten air bases used for long-range sorties, divert Israeli resources away from an Iran campaign, and potentially suck Israel into a costly ground operation in Lebanon to suppress the fire.

Amr Abdallah Dalsh/Reuters
People visit the site damaged by an Israeli airstrike that killed Lebanon's Hezbollahleader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah in Dahieh, Beirut's southern suburb, on 6 December 2024.

Gravest error

Among the many errors that helped move Israel from containment to escalation, the most consequential was Hassan Nasrallah’s decision to enter the war on 8 October 2023. A year of cross-border rocket fire set the conditions for Israel’s 2024 offensive against Hezbollah, which severely degraded the group’s ability to function as Iran’s most efficient tripwire and retaliatory instrument. In doing so, Iran lost what had been the single most effective obstacle to an Israeli strike on Iran itself. Today, as the Islamic Republic faces an existential battle, Hezbollah can't do much to come to its aid.

Tehran’s repeated decisions to engage Israel directly reinforced a growing Israeli conclusion: the fight was no longer just about blunting Iran’s forward defence, but about defeating the Islamic Republic itself. In a series of exchanges in 2024, Iran inadvertently demonstrated that Israel held a significant advantage, and more than that: A pathway to what some in Israel saw as “victory”.

And while Tehran may have persuaded itself it had “won,” the outcome was readable from the first direct clash between the two adversaries. In April 2024, Israel struck a Russian-made air-defence system near Isfahan, not far from a nuclear site. The blow was barely noticeable, yet the message was unmistakable: Israel could reach into Iran and neutralise key air-defence nodes. Iran, by contrast, launched hundreds of missiles and drones at Israel— an impressive volume that created a misleading picture of success.

Iran’s strategy failed where it mattered most. Without Hezbollah’s massed arsenal as a complementary hammer, Iran’s own missiles achieved only limited hits on Israeli air bases and did not disable them. Even using dozens of missiles, Iran could not shut down the runways, command infrastructure, and sortie generation that underpin Israel’s ability to sustain an air campaign.

That failure mattered because disabling Israel’s air bases would have sharply constrained its capacity to respond; not disabling them implied that, in a wider war, Israel’s air force could keep operating even as Iran escalated its salvos. By this point, the idea of an Israeli military victory over Iran stopped sounding theoretical and began to look increasingly possible.

MENAHEM KAHANA/AFP
People stand on top of the remains of an Iranian missile in the Negev desert near Arad on October 2, 2024, in the aftermath of an Iranian missile attack on Israel.

Going in for the kill

The joint US-Israel strikes of 2026 are the direct product of Iran's gradual self-dismantling of its own deterrence. Even compared to last year's 12-day war, the strategic picture looks almost unrecognisable. For Israel, today, the objective is clear: to either kill or fatally wound the Islamic Republic

Israel's objectives have visibly evolved. The opening salvo of this year’s conflict was not aimed at Iranian air defences (now virtually gone) but at something far more disruptive: a decapitation strike at the heart of the regime. Strikes on the Pasteur district, one of Tehran's most heavily secured zones, targeted not only Supreme Leader Khamenei but also his son Mojtaba—a likely successor—along with a tier of key security commanders. Israeli sources reported as many as 30 Iranian officials and commanders killed, with more targeted in follow-on strikes.

The next phase focused on hunting Iran's ballistic missile stockpiles and mobile launchers, racing to destroy hardware before it could be hidden or fired. Even as that campaign continued, Israel resumed its broader regime-disruption effort.

Over successive days, strikes hit the organisational spine of Iran's internal security apparatus: a Basij command centre, the Great Tehran Police Station, and a regional government headquarters. The targeting has now extended down to smaller nodes, including local police stations and Basij rally points, compelling Iranian security forces to abandon fixed facilities and improvise in makeshift locations—a sign of real operational disruption.

While toppling the Islamic Republic wasn't always the plan, Tehran's own miscalculations created a unique opening that Israel couldn't pass up on.

By dispersing its forces, Iran is betting it can preserve enough coercive capacity to crush any anti-regime protests that erupt during or after the campaign. Whether that unrest materialises at scale is the central gamble for both Trump and Netanyahu. Mass protests in the middle of an active aerial bombardment are difficult to imagine, yet scattered demonstrations have already broken out.

Israel and the United States are also deliberately targeting remote, minority-populated regions—areas the regime is most likely to lose control of first, and where the political cost of that loss would be hardest to reverse. Kurdish, Azeri and Arab populated areas have always been focal points of unrest in the past, and include multiple armed groups that would be primed to take advantage of the chaos.

This runs the risk of Iran spinning out of control in the longer term, but Netanyahu's strategy in Syria, for instance, shows it's a risk he is willing to take. 

REUTERS/Mohammed
Smoke rises after reported Iranian missile attacks, following United States and Israel strikes on Iran, as seen from Doha, Qatar, on 1 March 2026.

What next

Israel is aware that the clock is ticking. Attacks against the Gulf, particularly a series of attacks against energy facilities and an effort to close the Strait of Hormuz (a major chokepoint for the global economy), all mean that the operation cannot last forever.

Although Gulf air defences have performed well, and joint US-Israel strikes could significantly degrade Iran's ballistic missile arsenal, Tehran still fields a massive stockpile of suicide drones. To secure a viable window for regime disruption, the US and Israel must rapidly neutralise Iran's capacity to launch both drones and missiles in the very short term.

As past campaigns against Yemen's Houthis have shown, suppressing drone launches is hugely difficult. However, the scale and sophistication of assets Israel and the US are deploying against Iran are entirely unprecedented. This could significantly curb drone launches, but is unlikely stop them altogether.

And as US President Donald Trump estimated the US offensive could take up ot four weeks, Israel is racing to mortally wound the Iranian regime before the clock runs out.  It is a high-risk/high-reward bet, but one that Israel feels compelled to make.

font change