US envoy Steve Witkoff thinks a thaw in relations between the two North African neighbours may be possible in 60 days. But doubts remain about its ability to serve as an honest broker.
When it comes to ending wars and long-running conflicts around the world, the Trump administration is not without its ambitions. In North Africa, frosty relations between Morocco and Algeria have not deteriorated to the point of war, but the level of acrimony between the pair has reached new heights in recent years. So, it was of huge interest when a senior US envoy recently announced plans for a “peace” initiative.
Whether American mediation succeeds in reducing political tensions between Algeria and Morocco and paves the way for a breakthrough, or whether the rift persists, remains to be seen. Analysts suggest that the more pressing question lies in the motives of the United States. Why, they ask, has US President Donald Trump decided to reactivate the reconciliation file between Algiers and Rabat, whose once-close ties of kinship and proximity have long since frayed?
Massad Boulos, Trump’s adviser on African affairs, recently told Asharq that “Algeria wants to find a radical and final solution to the Western Sahara issue and has shown willingness to improve relations with Morocco”. The United Nations considers Western Sahara to be a Non-Self-Governing Territory. It was ruled by Spain until February 1976. Today, it is claimed by both Morocco and the indigenous Sahrawi people, represented by the armed Polisario Front, which has been supported by Algeria for decades.
Dangling carrots
US Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff announced on CBS News’ 60 Minutes on 19 October that a détente between Algiers and Rabat was possible by the end of 2025. “Our team hopes to reach a peace agreement between Algeria and Morocco within the next two months,” he said.
But this is a tall order. In 2023, the UN sought to resume negotiations between Morocco and the Polisario, aiming to secure a solution that ensured the self-determination of the Sahrawi people. A later report noted that “progress in the political process remains challenging”.
The pair have been ‘daggers drawn’ for decades, but reconciliation would be welcome and necessary, particularly given the economic opportunities that this could bring. Their shared border has been closed since 1994, and bilateral trade remains very low (between 3-5% according to official statements by Taïeb Baccouche, Secretary-General of the Arab Maghreb Union). In 2022, Algeria suspended a gas pipeline to Morocco, cutting off a vital energy supply to its neighbour.
Algeria feels that the US favours Morocco; therefore, it questions Washington's ability to be a neutral arbiter
A year earlier, Algiers ended all diplomatic relations, accusing Morocco of supporting Kabylia separatists. The rupture in diplomatic ties has even severed familial connections. Only the border crossing at Bain El Jraf, separating the Algerian town of Marsa Ben M'Hidi from the Moroccan city of Saïdia, remains as a rare point of passage where families from both countries can still meet.
Staking positions
Despite the grievances, American mediators will aim to leverage strategic realities to pursue peace. They will be interested in Algeria's President Abdelmadjid Tebboune's choice of wording. "The Sahrawis must be granted their rights," he said recently. "We are not more Sahrawi than the Sahrawis themselves. Any solution they accept, we accept. But as long as we neighbour them, we will never allow any party to impose a solution they reject. It really is that simple."
However, Western Sahara is not the only point of contention. Morocco's normalisation of relations with Israel, with its far-reaching security agreements, is regarded by Algeria as a direct threat and a provocation. On a visit to Rabat in August 2021, Israel's foreign minister criticised Algerian foreign policy. Fouad Jedou, professor of politics at the University of Biskra, told Al Majalla that Algeria "categorically rejects normalisation (with Israel) because it poses a strategic threat to its national security," adding: "The idea of mediation will not mature under these new dynamics and developments."
Another long-standing dispute between the two centres on Eastern Sahara, where Morocco claims parts of Algerian territory. In 1963-64, shortly after Algeria's independence, Morocco tried to seize these border territories but was repelled during the brief yet consequential 'Sand War'. "Morocco's enmity toward Algeria is longstanding," said Jedou. "It dates back to the 1963 war."
US President Donald Trump and Morocco's King Mohammed VI attend a ceremony in Paris on 11 November 2018, commemorating the end of World War I.
Doubts over neutrality
Algerian attention has turned to the prospect of American mediation. Many feel that the US favours Morocco (the US recognised Morocco's sovereignty over Western Sahara in December 2020, as part of efforts to encourage Morocco to normalise relations with Israel). Washington's ability to serve as a neutral arbiter is therefore questioned by Algerians, who suggest that efforts would be better spent resolving the conflict between Morocco and the Sahrawi people. Even Witkoff's use of the term 'peace' drew criticism, as it implies a war that does not exist.
Nour El Sabah Akkanouch, another professor of politics at the University of Biskra, said American mediation was "a grand strategic project aimed at hegemony," adding: "Mediation should be between the Polisario and Morocco, not Algeria and Rabat." Pointing to "the absence of actual conflict," Jedou asked: "How can we speak of peace? The terms 'war' and 'peace' simply do not apply to the current state of affairs."
Other states are believed to have urged Algeria to 'open the borders' with Morocco, but there is a broader political understanding in Algiers that the conflict with its westerly neighbour is a bilateral matter that does not warrant external involvement.
A political trap?
There is also suspicion. Some analysts think the push for mediation is a "political trap," with Morocco planning to present Algeria's likely rejection as a refusal to engage.
Alongside those questioning Washington's motivation for its sudden interest in Algeria-Morocco relations, many wonder how realistic its chances of success are. The wider context is that the US wants to reassert its leadership in a region where European influence has diminished and new global competitors (such as China) have emerged.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and his Algerian counterpart Abdelmadjid Tebboune at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on July 18, 2023.
Prof. Akkanouch said America was part of "a global contest, with Russia, China and other powers, vying for the region's wealth and resources," adding: "From Washington's perspective, reconciliation is not a political end to bridge divides, but a tool for repositioning itself, enhancing its influence and counterbalancing Russia and China."
Former minister and diplomat Abdelaziz Rahabi was unimpressed by Witkoff's initiative. "Washington is presenting it as a dispute between Algeria and Morocco, legitimising the occupation of Western Sahara and seeking to reinforce its ally, Morocco," he said. "These positions contradict the foundations of any fair political settlement. Resolving the conflict cannot be achieved through superficial arrangements but only through full justice and solid guarantees."
With its African partners along the Atlantic coast constrained by limited capacity, Rahabi said Washington now wanted to consolidate its foothold in the Sahel—a region beset by insecurity and terrorism. For many, bringing Algeria and Morocco to the negotiating table is just an unattainable dream. Indeed, it is hard to imagine the Maghreb's deep-rooted problems being solved by the same fragile formulas that have failed in the Middle East. For the cynic, such formulas include hollow compromises, financial promises, high-level meetings and choreographed photo opportunities.
