US-Africa relations: Trump shifts from ‘aid to trade’

A recent summit and deals dubbed ‘resources for security’ puts America back in Africa, but on a different, purely economic mission. It is a far cry from the preaching and aid deliveries of yesteryear.

US President Donald Trump attending the third US-Africa Summit in the State Dining Room of the White House in Washington, DC, on July 9, 2025.
Jim Watson/AFP
US President Donald Trump attending the third US-Africa Summit in the State Dining Room of the White House in Washington, DC, on July 9, 2025.

US-Africa relations: Trump shifts from ‘aid to trade’

Earlier this month, at a summit in Washington, D.C. attended by five heads of state, US President Donald Trump declared a move “from aid to trade” when it came to Africa. “There’s great economic potential in Africa, like few other places,” he said.

The heads of state represented Gabon, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mauritania, and Senegal, and had been selected and invited by Trump for the third US-Africa Summit. The first took place in 2014 hosted by US President Barack Obama, and the second took place in 2022 hosted by US President Joe Biden.

Trump’s focus was on trade, as it has been during his second presidential term. “In many ways, in the long-run, this will be far more effective and sustainable and beneficial than anything else that we can be doing together,” he said, weeks after terminating all foreign aid programmes by the US Agency for International Development (USAID), which had its biggest impact in Africa.

Broader strategy

The context to the summit was highlighted by international media outlets, which focused on perceived US pressure on the African attendees to accept the deportation of illegal immigrants from America. Trump has also called on African states to purchase American-made weapons. Individual issues aside, the summit holds clear geopolitical significance and its implications are already beginning to take shape.

At present, the US lacks a coherent, long-term strategy for engaging with Africa, and continues to respond to developments on the continent with ad hoc, reactive measures. This absence of strategic clarity has opened the door to China. According to the Brookings Institution, as of 2023, China was a larger trading partner than the US for 52 of Africa’s 54 countries. In 2003, that figure stood at just 18 countries.

Greg Baker/AFP
African leaders applaud Chinese President Xi Jinping (C) at the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation in Beijing on September 5, 2024.

On 27 June 2025, a US-brokered deal was signed in Washington between the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Rwanda, granting preferential access to American companies for mineral resources vital to its high-tech firms. This deal—dubbed “resources for security”—signals Trump’s approach, shelving both foreign aid and the traditional promotion of democracy, civil liberties, and minority rights.

Investment for loyalty

For Trump, this is the politics of pragmatism: access to critical raw materials and logistical infrastructure, in return for American technology and security. It combines large-scale, high-tech investment in extraction and processing, with a broad US-led security framework involving deep military and technical cooperation. In effect, it can be thought of as a policy of ‘investment for loyalty.’

In many ways, in the long-run, this will be far more effective and sustainable and beneficial than anything else that we can be doing together

US President Donald Trump, July 2025

Seen in this light, Trump's choice of the five African states to attend the summit was far from arbitrary. For instance, Gabon is the world's second-largest producer of manganese, with oil reserves and uranium, while Senegal is one of Africa's most stable nations and a key player in regional security and peacekeeping efforts.

All five have vast reserves of mineral resources, and well-developed Atlantic port infrastructure. Together, they form a coastal belt that provides both the raw materials and logistical access necessary for large-scale investment. Securing a foothold in these countries gives the US a gateway to broader continental influence and creates 'an Atlantic barrier' stretching from Morocco to Angola.

A new colonialism?

Around the world, the summit was described as a vivid example of American neocolonial policy. The pro-government Russian Telegram channel Afrikary jokingly dubbed it 'MAGA: Make Africa Buy Again' while Senegalese outlets accused the leaders of "selling their nations' resources" to Trump.

Reuters
Copper extracted from a mine controlled by the Congolese government. American firms want access to Africa's raw materials.

Like China, Russia has also been making inroads on the continent, not least with its security offering, so Trump's US engagement will be unwelcome news in Moscow. Yet there is deep unease in much of Africa about a new American interest, given the prevalent and deep-rooted anti-Western sentiment that has built up in many African countries over the past decade, some of it fuelled by Russian propaganda.

A new economic approach that is clearly removed from the old colonialism—and that respects all parties' interests—may, over time, reduce this resentment. But the businesses and governments that currently control Africa's most valuable resources are unlikely to welcome Western investment based on transparency and efficiency. For some, this may even represent an existential threat.

The Trump you know

Trump may be betting on Africa's lack of alternatives. Despite their capabilities, neither the Chinese, Russians, Turks, or Gulf states can effectively implement large-scale, system-forming high-tech projects in the way the Americans can. Given the agreements between the US and Gulf states, America's economic expansion in Africa goes hand-in-hand with Gulf firms establishing a stronger presence on the continent in sectors such as logistics, transport, and finance.

AFP
Work on a highway construction site near Abidjan on September 4, 2024. African 'investment for security' deals could mean more infrastructure development projects.

African nations still have other (non-Trump) options, including to continue extracting mineral resources independently, but the heads of state at the summit were genuinely interest in a balanced partnership with the US, focused on investment in their economies, particularly in raw material processing and infrastructure, a request made explicit by Gabon's President Brice Oligui Nguema.

A day after Liberian President Joseph Boakai had lunch with Trump at the White House, Liberia's National Concessions Committee approved terms with the American company Ivanhoe Atlantic for access to the country's strategic railway and port infrastructure. The agreement has been forwarded to the president for signature and will then be submitted to parliament for ratification.

Now finalised after six years of negotiations, this decision sparked tensions with Luxembourg-based ArcelorMittal, the world's second-largest steelmaker, which previously held priority rights to the same export route for iron ore from neighbouring Guinea, home to its largest deposit (750 million tonnes). For Liberia, at least, the choice is America and Trump. Whether others follow, time will tell.

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