Why Syria and Israel should walk, not run, towards peace

This is a once-in-a-blue-moon opportunity to agree a détente between two hostile neighbours, but getting there is tricky. Several issues must (but can) be overcome.

Israeli army soldiers add zip ties to the mast of an Israeli flag flying at a special area for exercises during a military drill in the Israeli-annexed Golan Heights on July 8, 2025.
Jalaa Marey/AFP
Israeli army soldiers add zip ties to the mast of an Israeli flag flying at a special area for exercises during a military drill in the Israeli-annexed Golan Heights on July 8, 2025.

Why Syria and Israel should walk, not run, towards peace

The collapse of the Assad regime in Syria has dramatically changed the regional landscape. Since Ahmed al-Sharaa came to power, expectations for a breakthrough between Syria and Israel have soared. Alas, it is not that simple. Circumstances on the ground are complex and require careful consideration about what can be achieved within a realistic timeframe, and what might be too hasty—and even detrimental to the future.

There are immense challenges facing the new Syria regime. For instance, it does not effectively control all of its territory and has only 55,000 soldiers at its disposal (including foreign fighters). The Kurds in Syria’s north-east have an effective army of roughly equal size. While a framework agreement was signed between the Kurds and Damascus, questions over its implementation remain.

Al-Sharaa demonstrates impressive pragmatism, having come from a radical ideological background, but there are questions as to whether he can translate into action what needs to be done. The involvement of external actors in Syria, such as Turkey and Israel, poses a real challenge, as does the enormous reconstruction process required.

An opportunity arises

Several factors play in al-Sharaa’s favour. The international community had grown weary of Assad and welcomed al-Sharaa with open arms, despite questions over his former al-Qaeda links. The weakening of Iran, whose swift withdrawal from Syria is both stunning and encouraging, is widely seen as being in the interests of all and has been largely credited to al-Sharaa. Even the unpredictable US President Donald Trump was sufficiently encouraged to reverse course and embrace the Syrian leader.

There are immense challenges facing the new Syria regime. For instance, it does not effectively control all of its territory

The new regional map is still in the process of being redesigned, but these factors have raised the possibility of advancing an agreement between Syria and Israel, two countries that have technically been at war for decades. Even the contemplation of peace between Tel Aviv and Damascus underscores the magnitude of the change that has occurred in recent months.

The challenge now is how peaceful relations between the pair can be advanced. On the one hand, we must not miss this opportunity that has arisen. On the other, we must not jump too high and too far, jeopardising the positive potential. It may serve to bear in mind the historical lesson of the failed agreement between Israel and Lebanon of 17 May 1983.

Concerns on both sides

Israel has two main questions. One concerns the character of the new Syria. In a sense, Assad was 'the devil you knew,' and Israel refrained from actively supporting his overthrow. Once he fled, Israel's preference was for a weak Syria i.e. one without an effective central authority in control of the entire territory. Seen in that light, the disintegration of the Syrian state would not have been unwelcome in Tel Aviv.

Israel's second question concerns al-Sharaa, once an Islamist jihadist. He and others say he is a changed man. Does Israel give him the benefit of the doubt, join his worldwide supporters, and contribute to strengthen his rule, in a way that will serve Israeli interests? Or is that a risk too far?

Louai Beshara/AFP
a promotional poster bearing the portrait of Syria's interim President Ahmad Al-Sharaa and a defaced portrait of US President Donald Trump in the capital Damascus on July 9, 2025.

Likewise, al-Sharaa will have to ask himself some important questions. Chiefly, does a form of detente with Israel (that excludes questions over the Golan Heights) either with or without signing the Abraham Accords consolidate his regime, or does it, at this stage, expose him to excessive risks and difficulties?

Outline of an agreement

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is in Washington this week, and will no doubt have some views, as might Trump's team. An outline of any Syria-Israel agreement might include a mutual commitment to return to the Agreement on Disengagement of 1974, with agreed mutual steps, a timetable, and the necessary guarantees that will enable Israel to withdraw to the binding border line.

Even the contemplation of peace between Tel Aviv and Damascus underscores the magnitude of the change that has occurred in recent months

A discreet tripartite Israeli-Syrian-American mechanism to agree whether and when Israel commits to ending its military operations on Syrian territory could help hammer out this most thorny of issues. More publicly, a joint declaration regarding both states' aspiration to end the hostility between them would be symbolic but important.

Alongside this, a US call for the new governments in Syria and Lebanon to regulate the demarcation of their land border would allow the Israeli-Lebanese border dispute to be resolved, with Washington acting as guarantor. On a different level, increased dialogue between Israelis and Syrians will help promote a "warm peace" and improve the atmosphere, ease tensions, and make constructive use of the unprecedented shifts in the region.

Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images/AFP
US Secretary of Defence Pete Hegseth (R) meets Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu (L) at the Pentagon on July 09, 2025.

Israel will need to address seriously the growing perception in Arab public opinion that it seeks to impose its agenda on the region by force. With that in mind, confidence-building measures—whether humanitarian or economic—may serve both sides, without being interpreted as 'Israeli patronage.'

Given the complex situation in both countries and the wider region, it is appropriate to move forward now with courage, but courage that remains grounded in reality, not grandiose wishful thinking.

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