From Abu Ghraib to Sde Teiman: rogue acts or systemic policy?

Can torture in US and Israeli-run prisons be chalked up to a few ‘bad apples’, as some officials claim? Studies have shown some instances of abuse were not only tolerated but tacitly endorsed.

An Iranian couple walk past mural paintings depicting scenes from the torture of Iraqi prisoners by US soldiers at the Abu Ghraib prison near Baghdad, on a major highway in the Iranian capital Tehran on June 1, 2004.
AFP
An Iranian couple walk past mural paintings depicting scenes from the torture of Iraqi prisoners by US soldiers at the Abu Ghraib prison near Baghdad, on a major highway in the Iranian capital Tehran on June 1, 2004.

From Abu Ghraib to Sde Teiman: rogue acts or systemic policy?

On 28 April 2004, a year after the US-led invasion of Iraq, CBS aired the first images of Abu Ghraib prison. In doing so, it exposed American soldiers’ abuse of detainees and sparked global outrage.

One of the photographs showed a hooded prisoner—later identified as Ali Shallal al-Qaisi—standing on a box with wires attached to his body. Other images depicted naked detainees piled on top of one another, dragged by leashes, or being forced to simulate sexual acts. US soldiers, meanwhile, stood nearby, smiling, posing for the camera, and flashing the victory sign.

The Abu Ghraib scandal bears a notable resemblance to that of Israel’s Sde Teiman—a notorious detention centre in the southern Negev. What emerged from that facility, however, extended beyond still photographs. On 7 August 2024, social media platforms were flooded with footage broadcast by Israel’s Channel 12, documenting the assault of a Palestinian detainee by Israeli soldiers at Sde Teiman. The channel reported that the detainee was subjected to torture, with the soldiers, aware of the surveillance cameras, attempting to conceal their identities. CNN also aired the leaked video, which depicted Israeli soldiers committing acts of sexual violence against the prisoner.

The scandal cycle

Following the Abu Ghraib scandal, US President George W. Bush told Al Arabiya: “The people of Iraq need to understand that I view those practices as abhorrent.” He added: “They must also understand that what took place in that prison does not represent the America that I know.” Bush thus sought to distance his administration from the scandal, framing it as unrepresentative of American values.

In a 2011 study published in the Journal of Religion and Popular Culture, scholar Paul John noted that Bush-era officials used rhetorical and visual strategies to direct public attention to the images (the most striking elements of the scandal) rather than the scandal itself.

In effect, the Abu Ghraib photographs were recontextualised by government spokespeople to portray the abuses as the isolated actions of a few ‘bad apples’—individuals acting independently, without official authorisation, and not representative of broader government policy. These same officials, both in relation to Guantanamo Bay and Abu Ghraib, argued that the detainees held there were not protected under international conventions governing the treatment of prisoners of war.

AP
A US soldier, who was identified in a military court-martial as Sgt. Michael J. Smith, holding a dog in front of an Iraqi detainee at Abu Ghraib prison on the outskirts of Baghdad sometimes between 2003 and 2004.

A similar narrative followed the Sde Teiman scandal. Israeli police announced the arrest of nine soldiers for investigation, reinforcing the ‘bad apples’ argument—that the incidents were isolated and unreflective of official state policy. However, far-right Israeli politician Bezalel Smotrich went further, calling for an immediate criminal investigation to uncover the source of the leak.

For Smotrich, identifying and prosecuting the source of the leak took precedence over arresting and investigating the soldiers themselves, shifting the narrative from one of isolated misconduct to one suggesting potential institutional complicity. As John noted, despite the deliberate framing of such images as the acts of individual perpetrators, some soldiers revealed they had received ‘ideas’ from their superiors; guidance implying that such methods were necessary to ‘break down’ detainees’ resistance before interrogation.

‘Before interrogation’ refers to the period preceding formal interrogation inside what detainees call the ‘black box’ room. Notably, the images and footage that have surfaced are not from interrogation chambers, but other areas within the prisons. These materials have been presented as scandals attributable to individuals and disconnected from the wider administrative or political structure. Yet, the abuses occurred within the institutions themselves, not outside them.

The abuse of detainees’ bodies at Abu Ghraib, captured in the leaked photographs, often occurred in what was referred to as the ‘reception’ area. Former detainee Ali al-Qaisi described it as a ‘reception party’. In the documentary Ghosts of Abu Ghraib, which includes al-Qaisi’s live testimony, he describes this area where detainees were processed and assigned identification numbers.

Shocking testimony

Al-Qaisi recounts five harrowing days in this reception zone: “I was completely naked throughout. I spent four of those days bound in an uncomfortable position at the cell door. During those four days, I endured the harshest, vilest forms of torture, including musical torture. In every session, a woman would sit and perform obscene acts in revealing clothes. Sometimes, she insisted on searching detainees’ intimate areas during interrogation. Guards urinated on detainees and threw other filth on them.”

Images of prisoner abuse are attributed to individuals and disconnected from the wider political structure, but evidence suggests this is often not the case

These acts of torture diverge significantly from the conventional interrogation model, in which an investigator sits opposite a detainee in a structured, formal setting. Belgian sociologist Armand Mattelart, in his 2010 work The Globalisation of Surveillance, refers to this setup as 'military intelligence'—a strategic dynamic where the interrogator withholds information while seeking to extract the maximum information from the prisoner.

However, in both the American and Israeli contexts, soldiers have reconfigured this framework outside traditional interrogation rooms. These practices are often carried out in adjacent zones within prison complexes—areas where administrative operations occur and surveillance systems are active. This spatial shift aligns with what has become known as the 'breaking down' of detainees' resistance prior to formal questioning. Such acts, therefore, cannot be dismissed merely as isolated incidents perpetrated by a handful of 'bad apples'. Rather, they are part of a broader procedural architecture aimed at weakening detainees' resolve before interrogation.

But how exactly are these techniques employed?

In her article Sexualised Torture and Abuse at Abu Ghraib: Feminist Psychological Analyses, psychologist and University of California professor Eileen L. Zurbriggen cites former detainee Diyaa al-Shweiri, who described his experience at Abu Ghraib: "They were trying to humiliate us and break our pride. We are men. It's fine if they hit us—a blow doesn't hurt us. It's just a punch. But no one wants their manhood shattered. They wanted us to feel like women." Zurbriggen explains that these acts are designed to humiliate prisoners by deliberately making them feel stripped of their masculinity, using forced feminisation as a form of psychological torture.

Feminising prisoners

This forced feminisation of detainees does not imply a change in sexual identity, but rather the symbolic transformation of the male body into a representation of femininity through a framework of subjugation. In Arab societies, where manhood is closely associated with dignity and strength, this form of abuse seeks not only to subdue, but to emasculate—turning the prisoner into a symbolic 'woman' through brutal acts such as repeated rape and the insertion of objects into the anus.

This dynamic operates along two tracks: one articulated by al-Shweiri, who spoke of being "turned into a woman," and another involving the physical penetration of the body, acts that carry a deadly connotation of torture, as in the case of Palestinian doctor Adnan al-Bursh. British TV network Sky News reported details of al-Bursh's death at Ofer Prison in the West Bank, based on testimony gathered by human rights lawyer Nadia Dakka from a detainee who claimed to have witnessed his final moments.

Al-Bursh appeared to have been assaulted, bore visible injuries, and had his lower half exposed. Guards threw him into the courtyard and left him there until another inmate dragged him into a cell. Shortly after, the screams of fellow detainees rang out, announcing his death.

Rape in Sde Teiman

In the aftermath of the leaked footage from Sde Teiman, media reports surfaced of ten soldiers brutally assaulting an unnamed prisoner from Gaza, who was transferred to hospital with severe internal injuries, including to his anus.

This prompted military police to launch an investigation. According to the Israeli English-language news website Ynetnews, "military police investigators possess some evidence reinforcing suspicions that prison trainers serving in the reserves committed acts of sodomy against the detained prisoner." The report further stated that "a medical report indicates the prisoner was hospitalised with severe injuries to his buttocks and suffered massive bleeding due to a serious anal wound believed to have been inflicted using an object."

Zurbriggen explains that many analyses have focused on the religious dimensions of sexual torture. Homosexuality is widely condemned across interpretations of Islamic law, while privacy and prudery are deeply held values among both men and women, neither of whom typically appears naked before others.

Bernard Haykel, a professor of Middle Eastern studies at Princeton University, underscored the scale of humiliation experienced by Muslims in incidents such as Abu Ghraib. "Being put on top of each other and forced to masturbate, being naked in front of each other—it's all a form of torture," he said in Seymour Hersh's New Yorker article 'Torture at Abu Ghraib'.

Zurbriggen argues that many of the techniques used at Abu Ghraib may have been intentionally designed with the detainees' religious beliefs and cultural taboos in mind, based on the assumption that sexual humiliation would be especially effective in 'breaking' Muslim prisoners. From the standpoint of US military intelligence, same-sex-based sexual degradation, considered particularly shameful, was viewed as a more effective method.

This heightened 'effectiveness' is measured by outcomes achieved inside the interrogation room. What happens outside is intended to enhance the success of questioning. Consequently, practices that target the body, its exposure, rape, or the threat thereof, have become defining features of modern detention regimes.

AFP
Israeli soldiers kidnap Palestinian men from Gaza on November 21, 2023 and send them for interrogation and torture in Israeli prisons.

Widespread abuse

UN Special Representative of the Secretary-General on Sexual Violence in Conflict, Pramila Patten, expressed deep concern over reports, including those from the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, detailing the worsening conditions for Palestinian men, women, and children in Israeli detention since the October 7 attacks and the escalation in Gaza.

These reports cite "widespread sexual humiliation and threats of rape and gang rape; repeated and degrading strip searches; prolonged forced nudity; beatings and electric shocks to the genitals and anus; insertion of objects into detainees' anuses; inappropriate touching of women by male and female soldiers; and filming of detainees nude or partially nude in humiliating positions."

This mirrors what occurred previously at Abu Ghraib. According to a 2013 Amnesty International report titled Iraq: A Decade of Abuses, evidence of mistreatment by US and allied forces began to emerge shortly after the invasion. By July 2003, Amnesty International had documented numerous cases of torture and ill-treatment of detainees by coalition forces.

In January 2005, a US military court in Texas heard video testimony from former detainee Hosni Matar, who described being tortured by American personnel in November 2003. He identified himself as one of the naked prisoners forced to stack atop each other in a widely circulated image taken by a US guard. Matar stated that guards forced him to masturbate over the bodies of fellow prisoners, causing immense shame and psychological trauma. "At first, I couldn't imagine that this could happen. But I wished to die, to kill myself, because no one there could stop what was happening."

This form of torture, rooted in the simulation of homosexuality, strikes at the heart of a detainee's religious and cultural identity. Yet state and security officials continue to frame such acts as the work of a few 'bad apples'. These abuses, however, occurred within prisons, under official surveillance and administrative oversight. Neither the American nor the Israeli governments intervened until the abuses were exposed through leaked footage.

Notably, after several Israeli reservists were detained on charges of raping a Palestinian prisoner, dozens of far-right demonstrators, including masked soldiers, stormed the Sde Teiman base in protest. This incident highlights a prevailing sentiment inside the military establishment: that such acts are not merely tolerated but may, in some cases, be tacitly endorsed, whether as a means of extracting information, a tool of humiliation, or as part of a broader system of collective punishment routinely imposed by the occupation on Palestinians, both within and beyond prison walls.

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