Trump wants “wins" that Netanyahu refuses to deliver

Given Trump's agnostic approach to foreign policy and desire to seal deals, the Israeli premier may have to show more flexibility on key regional issues

Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu at the White House
AFP
Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu at the White House

Trump wants “wins" that Netanyahu refuses to deliver

US President Donald Trump has Israel on edge these past two weeks. The Israeli government has been blindsided several times. Behind closed doors, quiet but palpable discomfort is growing among Israeli leaders.

The opening salvo came when President Trump announced an unexpected ceasefire with the Iran-backed and Yemen-based Houthis. The announcement came moments after Israel launched a large-scale attack against the Sana’a airport in response to a missile strike by the Houthi against the Ben Gurion airport in Israel. According to multiple reports, Israel had no prior knowledge of the announcement and quickly learned that the ceasefire made no mention of suspending Houthi attacks against Israel, which have continued to this day. Israel was, in effect, left alone to deal with the group.

But this was only the beginning.

As the president headed to the Gulf, he continued to surprise Israel. He met with Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, whom Israel has cast as a danger to its security and a Turkish vassal. But much to Israel's chagrin, Trump once again praised Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and Secretary of State Marco Rubio visited Türkiye during President Trump’s Gulf trip.

More shocking to Israel, other than learning that President Trump found al-Sharaa to be a “very attractive guy”, was his decision to lift sanctions on Syria. There had been no sign— even days before—that the US administration was looking to lift sanctions.

Saudi Press Agency/Handout via REUTERS
Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa meets with US President Donald Trump and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, in this handout released on May 14, 2025.

Read more: Why Trump decided to lift sanctions on Syria

For its part, the Israeli government felt that the sanctions were an important leverage that should be kept rather than given away. Instead, Trump appears to be pushing for normalisation between Israel and Syria. While this could prove to be extremely beneficial for all and a long-term achievement, the current Israeli government never hinted that it was interested in expanding the Abraham Accords to Syria.

Ahead of the visit to Qatar, Israelis also grew worried about Doha’s ability to sway the US President. Mentions of a Qatari gift in the form of a luxury plane (which Trump said “only a fool would not accept”) had Israelis worried that the Qataris had found a way back to the heart of the Trump administration.

This came at a sensitive time with regard to the conflict in Gaza. In another surprising turn of events, the US administration managed to pressure Hamas to release Edan Alexander, a US-Israeli citizen, at a time when talks on resolving the conflict and freeing the remaining hostages appear at a dead end. It became clear, once again, that the US Administration had bypassed Israel and held talks with Hamas, convincing the group that a “goodwill gesture” was necessary ahead of the visit.

Here, an important distinction needs to be made: while the deal blindsided the Israeli government and highlighted a growing gap in interests, it was celebrated by most Israelis. At regular protests demanding a ceasefire agreement, slogans casting Trump as a better representative of Israel than Netanyahu began to appear. This cements a prior trend that has seen the Israeli protest movement and families of hostages increasingly turn to the US president, in the hope that he can deliver on a deal that most Israelis want.

Jack GUEZ / AFP
An Israeli protester holds a sign urging Trump's involvement to help secure the release of hostages held by Hamas in Gaza in Tel Aviv on December 12, 2024.

Israel snubbed?

The series of visible crises between Israel and the US, and the fact that Trump did not visit Israel, have fuelled speculations that a personal dispute exists between Trump and Netanyahu. After all, the two both have a very "personal" style of diplomacy that puts an emphasis on personal chemistry as opposed to actual policy content, or at least portrays the relationship as such.

The truth is perhaps more nuanced. First, the portrayal of the Trump-Netanyahu relationship as some sort of a deep personal bond ignores the many signs that they don't necessarily like each other, though they certainly pretend that they do.

Read more: Netanyahu favours Trump, but he could come to regret it

Second, this misses the point of what motivates Trump and the kind of president he is. His approach to foreign policy focuses less on traditional geopolitical interests, dynamics and alliances, and more on opportunities for bilateral "wins", with a huge emphasis on splashy titles, be it "deals" or buy-ins into the US economy.

Fundamentally, President Trump is purely agnostic on many issues that most foreign affairs specialists consider to be defining for the long term. The president will talk to anybody—the Houthis, the Taliban, Hamas, Iran, Russia—if a bottom line can be found. He is after "wins" and "deals", whatever they are. There are no taboos, no foundational beliefs, no founding principles that will go untested.

With this in mind, the main problem Netanyahu and Trump have isn't so much that they've suddenly fallen out of love with each other, as the romance was largely for TV purposes, but that Netanyahu simply can't deliver "wins and deals".

Trump likely avoided Israel on his Middle East trip, not because of a fallout with Netanyahu, but mostly because there was no win to be had

From Trump's perspective, Israel refuses to do a deal on Gaza, refuses to do a deal on Syria, pushes back against a possible deal on Iran, and acts in a way that reduces the chances of normalisation with Saudi Arabia. It is no wonder that he avoided Israel on his trip, not because of a fallout with Netanyahu, but mostly because there was no win to be had.

The US administration has now shown that it would look for opportunities, even outside of the comfort zone of the current Israeli government. On the diplomatic level, Trump's agnostic approach to geopolitics means that he is agile and capable of making deals (or at least negotiating them) that others would not have considered. But the main issue with the Trump administration's foreign policy is that it focuses on announcements, talks, and news headlines, but struggles at times with content, consistency, and follow-through.

Netanyahu's next move

Netanyahu probably knows that, and may use this to his advantage. On Gaza, he can hope to simply let Trump move to the next headline, particularly after concluding his visit to the region. On Iran, US inconsistencies on whether a deal should simply limit Iran's nuclear programme or remove it altogether may end up torpedoing the talks, despite clear signs on both sides that a deal would be preferred. This strategy could work, and is in fact Netanyahu's main strategy when faced with an obstacle: Wait it out, buy time, and let circumstances change.

But there are significant risks for Netanyahu. Should the Trump administration prove more capable than before of maintaining focus on these topics than expected, he may have to give ground on some issues, to show that he is not simply an irritant, but an ally willing to play ball with the new administration and its unconventional way of thinking. The Israeli government may be forced to reprioritise and see where it can offer more flexibility, and, conversely, where it will look to stand its ground.

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