Lebanon’s civil war: same old same old, only sorry if needed

Half a century after fighting erupted, there is a depressing dearth of genuine apologies. At least this helps explain the disheartening array of familiarities.

Lebanon’s civil war: same old same old, only sorry if needed

Few political or military leaders in Lebanon have ever apologised to their compatriots for the atrocities committed during the country’s civil war, which began 50 years ago. Rarer still are apologies from foreign leaders for the actions of their occupying or aggressor forces—actions that, in various forms, persist to this day.

One notable exception is the late leftist leader Mohsen Ibrahim, who in 2005 acknowledged the role of the National Movement parties in pursuing armed struggle and aligning with the Palestinians in a bid to force political change.

Samir Geagea, leader of the Lebanese Forces, also issued a hesitant apology for his militia’s actions during the conflict, while Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas expressed regret for having burdened Lebanon with the Palestinian cause in a manner that the small nation was ill-equipped to manage.

A handful of former fighters have shown remorse for their roles during those harrowing years in which domestic strife got wrapped up in foreign agendas in a combustible blend of 19th-century sectarian massacres, Cold War dynamics, and radical leftist-Islamist reformist attempts, fiercely opposed by Christian right-wingers clinging to the post-independence order established in 1943.

Yet aside from the few former combatants who named their victims and expressed genuine regret, apologies have typically been vague, with undefined recipients.

Tactically sorry

Often, those apologising were trying to offer an olive branch to ‘the other side’, which, in many cases, failed to respond in kind. Often, their apologies were offered only after the loss of political clout.

Addressed to an ambiguous ‘other’, they typically claimed to have learnt lessons from the past, professing remorse over the nation’s descent into chaos, while continuing with the same rhetoric that led to the disorder in the first place. Rarely do political leaders apologise to their own sects or parties for the suffering they endured.

Few political or military leaders in Lebanon have ever apologised to their compatriots for the atrocities committed during the country's civil war

Even when followers pay a steep price in lives, property, or prospects, they are still expected to remain indebted to their warlords for delivering victories, preserving "dignity", and standing firm against an endless web of conspiracies from right or left, Palestinian or Syrian or Israeli, domestic or foreign, all presented as existential threats to communities whose roots supposedly stretch time immemorial. 

These 'invaders,' whether Palestinians, Syrians, Iraqi Shiites, Jewish settlers, or Mamluks, are always cast as 'raiders' from the marches, or scaling Lebanon's mountainous fortresses.

Meanwhile, protest movements that emerged in areas dominated by militias—movements that dared to oppose the devastation of war and the abuses inflicted by these very forces on their own communities—were met with brutal repression. 

Slogans and rhetoric

Every faction involved in the civil war had a hand in stifling such dissent. These armed, supposedly infallible groups still man their metaphorical barricades, in some cases brandishing the same 50-year-old slogans. Some key actors have departed the stage, including the left, the Palestinians, and the Syrians, but the spectre of the "external threat" remains, represented today by Israeli forces in Lebanese territory.

Even when followers pay a steep price in lives, property, or prospects, they are still expected to remain indebted to their warlords

There is also the ongoing threat to a Shiite community striving to reconstruct its identity after its militant wing's defeat at the end of 2024. Shiite leaders, who fear the loss of hard-won standing accrued over decades at immense cost, are once again raising the issue of rights, despite 35 years of near-uninterrupted participation in governance, with all its attendant benefits. 

Equally unsurprising is the persistence of federalist rhetoric among Christian factions who see every election as a threat to their rights and dignity, a reflection of shifting demographic undermining their political leverage. 

Not healing yet

These two vocal and mobilised groups from the civil war era—Shiites and Christians—still call loudly for reforms in Lebanon's political representation, power-sharing, and national identity. While the tone and the personnel may have changed, the fundamental debates have not.

The scarce and limited apologies issued in Lebanon thus far have done little to heal the country's deep-rooted divisions, which are still being reproduced through militant discourse that bearing striking resemblance to that of the 1960s: Christians feel fearful, Shiites feel oppressed, and Sunnis feel their rights are being eroded, with no saviour on the horizon. 

The apologies that have been offered came not from any grand reconciliation process, transitional justice initiative, or serious national reckoning, but from a political environment that continues to generate conflict and perpetuate the spectre of civil war. After 50 years, is it not time to turn the record over?

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