Caesar act architect: Lifting Syria sanctions is "complicated"

The US levied swingeing sanctions on Bashar al-Assad’s regime for torturing and killing thousands. Matt Zweig, who helped draft it, speaks to Al Majalla about its details and future.

Matthew Zweig, one of the architects of the Caesar Act
Matthew Zweig, one of the architects of the Caesar Act

Caesar act architect: Lifting Syria sanctions is "complicated"

The United States’ Caesar Act was introduced in December 2019 during President Donald Trump’s first term of office. It sanctioned the Syrian government of Bashar al-Assad for ordering the torture and killing of tens of thousands of Syrians.

The Act was named after the codename for Lt. Farid al Madhan, who finally revealed his identity earlier this month. A forensic photographer from the military police in Damascus, his job was to photograph those killed in detention before they were buried in mass graves. He left Syria in 2014 with 50,000 images that he handed to the Americans as evidence.

The Act came into effect in 2020. Two months after a rebel alliance led by Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) kicked al-Assad and his regime from power, it remains in force. Trump has the power to suspend it, and those trying to rebuild the country are urging him to do so, citing the sanctions as a major obstacle to Syria’s economic recovery.

Five years ago, Matt Zweig worked for the House Foreign Affairs Committee as the Senior Sanctions Advisor in the Office of the Special Representative for Syria Engagement from July 2019 to December 2020. As such, he had a big role to play in drafting the Caesar Act, the sanctions of which target the provision of goods, services, technology, information, or technical support in the production of gas, oil and its derivatives, while also aiming to deter foreign investors from signing contracts for reconstruction.

Speaking to Al Majalla, Zweig revealed details of how the law was written, whether he feels that now is the right time to lift the US sanctions, and if so, how that could be done, prefacing it all with the warning that “it is incredibly complicated”.

Drawing up the Act

Zweig said he was told to “come up with something that increases the sanctions against both the Assad regime and their enablers,” adding: “I had a portfolio for sanctions covering illicit finance... The aim was to alter the behaviour of the Assad regime, its supporters and enablers, and eventually guide the political process towards establishing a new governing entity.”

The Caesar Act was but the latest incarnation of statutory sanctions targeting the Syrian regime. “The underlying rationale for (sanctioning al-Assad) was his regime’s support of insurgents and terrorists in Iraq that were targeting US personnel,” said Zweig. “That provided the underpinning of the legislative basis for the statutory sanctions that were imposed on the Assad regime.”

The Caesar Act was drafted in the lead-up to the siege of Aleppo, during the worst of the fighting, and garnered bipartisan support when it was introduced by Eliot Engel (a New York Democrat and the committee's senior member) and Ed Royce (a Californian Republican who chaired the committee).

He worked with colleagues who had drawn up sanctions of North Korea, Iran, drug cartels, and terrorists, noting how that bipartisan support, from both Democrats and Republicans, helped get things done. "The objective was clear: to isolate the regime, and to target its facilitators and enablers. But the other part was to support the political process that had been generally agreed upon."

AFP PHOTO/Brendan SMIALOWSKI
A Syrian Army police photographer defector known as "Caesar" (blue jacket) briefs the House Foreign Affairs Committee on the torture and killing of some 10,000 anti-Assad regime activists in hearings on Capitol Hill July 31, 2014.

The Act's purpose

Sanctions were imposed on individuals, businesses, financial networks, war-fighting industries (like construction and engineering), and foreign governments. Among the cited concerns was that Syrian airspace was being used (by Syrian and Russian jets) to target civilians.

The Act said those living under siege should have access to medical care and freedom of travel, that political prisoners should be released, schools and hospitals should not be targeted, and the regime should take verifiable steps to comply with conventions and treaties prohibiting the use of chemical and biological weapons.

It also demanded the safe return of displaced Syrians, those guilty of war crimes to be held to account, and steps to be taken towards a political process that would usher in a more inclusive and representative government.

"It was for regime behaviour change," said Zweig. "Basically, the regime would have to cease behaving like the regime and that was the key. I don't think any of us saw this in terms of regime change."

Although most Arab states shunned al-Assad's Syria in the years after 2011, some sought a normalisation of relations from 2018 onwards. The Caesar Act essentially limited how far these Arab states' normalisation efforts could go.

"It was both political and functional," said Zweig. "There was political consensus behind the sanctions. In the last Congress, there was the Assad Anti-Normalisation Act, a major piece of legislation that enhanced sanctions. That was bipartisan, too. So normalisation would be politically perilous for other countries to engage in."

The Caesar Act's aim was to alter the behaviour of the Assad regime, its supporters and enablers

Matt Zweig, one of the architects of the Caesar Act

Tightening the screw

The secondary sanctions, Zweig said, "created a risk for companies to really go back in and normalise with the regime... because the bill effectively said you can't do business with anybody who has been designated under Syria-related sanctions.

"Those kind of restrictions existed in executive orders, but it was up to the discretion of the administration. What Congress said was that it's mandatory that you designate people that you identify as doing this stuff. It restricted the appetite of foreign businesses that weren't Russian or Iranian to enter that market."

At the end of last year, some US politicians sought to strengthen the implementation of the Caesar Act. "What the Assad Anti Normalisation Act tried to do was build those out significantly," said Zweig.

"For example, sanctioning those dealing with property seized by the regime, then used for commercial or industrial development. Ultimately, it was people's property that the regime effectively took. So, it said that the people who actually dealt with that property—like the Russians or Iranians—were also liable for sanctions."

Maintaining leverage

Now that the Assad regime has fallen, Zweig said he is "wrestling with" the question as to whether to maintain sanctions or not. "To be honest, I don't have an answer."

Many of the activities that prompted the sanctions in the first place have stopped, but the question of ensuring that terrorist groups no longer operate from Syrian territory is still outstanding, Zweig said. "It's still pretty early in terms of determining (whether the criteria for suspension or termination have been met).

AFP PHOTO/Brendan SMIALOWSKI
A Syrian Army police photographer defector known as "Caesar" (blue jacket) briefs the House Foreign Affairs Committee on the torture and killing of some 10,000 anti-Assad regime activists in hearings on Capitol Hill July 31, 2014.

"Remember, the FTO (Foreign Terrorist Organisation) and SDGT (Specially Designated Global Terrorist) designations apply to the groups now basically forming the transitional government in Syria. Those are very difficult to deal with. So, you're dealing with two statutes in which sanctions cut very, very deep.

"When you're unwinding sanctions, you need to first think about the way that certain principles should probably apply, such as providing sanctions relief based on actual changes in conduct and status. I'd say most of the status-based sanctions are no longer applicable. On conduct, I'm not sure yet." 

Another general principle to bear in mind is the "need to preserve leverage," said Zweig. "Doing so after a political transition is critical to ensuring a long-term change in conduct. For those subject to sanctions, setting realistic expectations is important, because sanctions relief does not necessarily solve all financial risks."

Future options

Unravelling sanctions can present some nasty surprises, he said. "If you open up some of these Syrian banks to sunlight, what percentage of non-performing loans are on their books? What percentage of toxic assets? I don't know. But the problem is, and I can't emphasise this enough: there is a designated FTO with an SDGT sitting at the top of the transition government."

There are two mechanisms for lifting the sanctions, said Zweig. Outlining the first, he said: "You have broad waivers authority under the Caesar Act whereby the administration can waive the application of sanctions to individuals and entities based on national security. The State Department handles waivers; the Treasury handles licenses."

Most of the status-based sanctions are no longer applicable. On conduct, I'm not sure yet.

Matt Zweig, one of the architects of the Caesar Act

Likewise, the Act could also be suspended "if the president determines that the criteria in the suspension have been met. He can say, 'OK, I'm going to certify to Congress that these things are no longer happening.' And based on that, the Caesar Act and all its sanctions would then be suspended." 

Syria's ruling HTS is designated as a terrorist organisation by a United Nations' Security Council resolution and this makes it "difficult" for Washington, said Zweig. "You first need HTS to be de-listed in the UN. Maybe then the US would follow. It's politically possible, but I'd say it's very difficult." 

Arab lobbying

There is talk of Arab states lobbying Trump to do so. "It's ultimately a decision for the administration. How to do that is spelled out in the law. There are a few conditions that have not yet been met. For instance, for the safe, voluntary return of refugees and internally displaced persons, and for transitional justice." 

A "complicating factor" is that Syria transitioned just as the US was transitioning, Zweig noted. "Had this happened six months ago or six months from now, the process for making decisions on sanctions perhaps would have been clearer." He said he believes that the sanctions review has begun, but does not know for sure. 

Zweig is still only partially convinced that sanctions should be lifted. "We need to develop ways to make sure that Syrians have access to capital that mitigate terror finance risks… and we need to think of ways to develop institutions and mechanisms to provide Syrians with access to capital." 

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