Syria, by no means, has been a stranger to illicit activity. For years—long before the advent of Syria’s civil war—its borders have played host to criminal syndicates, militant groups, and Bedouin tribes that have trafficked everything between counterfeit goods, cigarettes, fuel, foodstuff, drugs, fake currency, hashish and narcotics, and arms. These trades have ebbed and flowed, dependent on conductions such as local law enforcement capacity, ease of production and trafficking, and supply and demand levels.
The advent of Syria’s 13-year civil war only spurred greater illicit activity. The war-torn economy, coupled with an opportunity to establish influence and industrial-scale profit margins, has created space for illicit actors to advance their interests. The country’s civil conflict, local patronage and tribalist networks, and growing demand for alternative revenue all set the stage for thriving underground trades.
In the last five years, however, Syria has become one of the biggest hubs of illicit drug production and trafficking throughout the Middle East region. Recent analysis of seizures indicates that Syria stands as the top country of origin for the illicit amphetamine-type stimulant Captagon, which has become a booming illicit industry valued at $10bn that stretches across the Mediterranean-Gulf zone.
Additionally, a sharp rise in methamphetamine trafficking has been recorded through Syria, indicating the country could be a notable transit market and potentially a candidate for expanded production. Other drugs, such as hashish, cocaine, Tramadol, and heroin, have also been distributed through or originated from Syria-based criminal networks.
These illicit activities have begun to heavily impact Syria's political, human security, and economic dynamics. Along Syria’s southern border with Jordan, the uptick in production and trafficking networks has coincided with an increase in violence, intimidation, and violent clashes with local community members—in addition to kinetic, cross-border operations that have spurred tensions with transit countries like the Kingdom of Jordan.
Criminal enterprises have also offered certain actors within Syria opportunities for influence; through expanding illicit trades into industries, syndicates have built a power base and alliances with key actors, wield territorial control, and even use their operations as a bargaining tool when negotiating with adversaries.
These implications have affected not only dynamics within Syria and its neighbours in the region but also new, emerging markets and transit sites in Europe and Africa. A rise in seized laboratories, storage warehouses, and raids on criminal syndicates with ties to Syria have signalled that criminal networks are seeking to diversify their operations and outsmart law enforcement with small, mobile production and trafficking activities abroad, while industrial-scale production remains steadily anchored deep in Syria.
It also indicates that Syria-based criminal enterprises are becoming increasingly sophisticated, using networks in and outside the region to identify loopholes for interdiction, innovative methods for transshipment, new alliances to collaborate with, and even growing new pools of demand for drugs—expanding trades like Captagon into a global illicit industry.
Conducive landscape
War-torn Syria has provided a landscape for illicit actors and syndicates to thrive. The country’s 13 years of civil conflict have produced prime conditions for the production and distribution of illegal trades, such as illicit stimulants and narcotics. Syria’s struggling, isolated economy—combined with a similarly struck value of the Syrian lira—has provided an incentive to identify and diversify its income with alternative revenue streams.
The effects of economic isolation, imposition of international sanctions, impeded foreign direct investment, and stifled the development of Syria’s export and commercial sectors have sparked a decline in Syrian annual exports from $12bn in 2010 to $771mn by 2022. By August 2023, the Syrian lira fell to an all-time low of 13,800 against the US dollar, following a two-month period where the currency lost over 30% of its value.
Syria’s continued cycle of stagflation, combined with increased fuel prices and shortages, lack of public service provision, dearth employment opportunities, and neighbouring Lebanon’s banking crisis, have created prime conditions for illicit drug trades—particularly the production and trade of cheaply-made synthetic drugs—to thrive.
Synthetic drugs like Captagon and crystal methamphetamine demand only an elementary production process, requiring little expertise, labour, and time to manufacture. Unlike plant-based illicit drug trades, such as hashish, producers do not need to rely upon vast acreage, weather and seasonal conditions, and a large number of workers to plant, cultivate, harvest, and process the product.
The materials used for the production of synthetic drugs, too, are more cheap and easily acquired. For methamphetamines, the precursor materials used can come from common cold medicines diverted from licit markets, such as pseudoephedrine. Producers can feasibly include additives and cutting readily available agents, such as caffeine, to increase drug potency and market price.
Additionally, synthetic drug production necessitates few manufacturing materials and can be scaled according to producers’ needs. If the threat of interdiction is low, producers can establish large-scale, permanent production facilities that can produce industrial levels of drugs. This has been flagged in territories under the control of the Syrian regime, operated by networks aligned or under the direct protection of the regime’s paramilitary arm, the Fourth Armored Division.