Harris appears stronger, but Trump can still win

Trump's political base in the west-centre and south of the country appears solid and opinion surveys indicate that most voters think he would manage the economy better

In a race so close, opinion surveys cannot accurately predict whether Trump or Harris will win.
Sebastien Thibault
In a race so close, opinion surveys cannot accurately predict whether Trump or Harris will win.

Harris appears stronger, but Trump can still win

Political analysts here and opinion surveys agree that it's still a toss-up between Kamala Harris and Donald Trump. The opinion surveys indicate that Harris leads Trump among voters with about 49% compared to Trump’s approximately 47%. However, the presidential election is 50 state elections, and each candidate aims to capture a majority in each state to receive that state’s entire number of electors for the electoral college.

In 2020, almost 155 million Americans voted. A change of only 43,000 votes in Georgia, Arizona, and Wisconsin would have given Trump the victory instead of Biden. So far, the 2024 election appears to be the same. Therefore, according to analysts here, a shift of only a few thousand votes in half a dozen key states will be decisive.

Trump advantages

In this last month of the election, Donald Trump has some big advantages. His political base in the west-centre and south of the country is solid. In addition, opinion surveys for months have shown wide public dissatisfaction with the national economy, especially because of higher prices for food and housing.

Opinion surveys indicate that most voters think Donald Trump would manage the economy better. For example, an opinion survey from Pew Research in the last week of August showed that 55% of Americans have more confidence in Trump on economic issues than Harris, who had the confidence of 45% of voters.

The entry of millions of immigrants into America is also pressuring local labour markets, housing markets, and government budgets and services. Immigration has become a major national concern, and again, the Pew Research poll showed Trump enjoyed more confidence in handling this issue, 52%, compared to 45% for Harris.

Harris, therefore, confronts challenges. She needs a big number of younger voters to surpass Trump’s advantage with older voters. Opinion surveys indicate that the majority of younger voters support Harris, but the difference between her and Trump among younger voters is smaller than the difference between Biden and Trump in 2020 when Biden barely won the election.

The higher cost of rent and buying a house are especially painful for younger voters. In the campaign, Harris expends few efforts to defend the Biden administration’s economic measures or explain her future economic plans. Thus, on the top issue in the campaign, the Democratic Party candidates are weak. In addition, the left wing of the party—mostly younger Democrats—is unhappy with Harris’ rejection of expanding government health care insurance and the White House policy on the war in Gaza.

Read more: Super Tuesday showed how Gaza is shaping the tight race for the White House

Scott Olson / AFP
A protest encampment on the University of Chicago campus on May 4, 2024, against Israel's war on Gaza. Students are calling for the university to divest from companies complicit in the war.

Deflection strategy

To compensate, the Harris campaign is playing the deflection card. She is trying to turn the focus away from the economy, immigration, and Gaza to the dangers of Donald Trump.

Harris particularly stresses the risk to American women of restrictions on access to abortion, the top issue for millions of American voters—especially women. On the issue of abortion policy, 55% of the voters in the Pew Research poll believed Harris is more competent than Trump, 55% to 44%. The Democrats are depending on the abortion issue to mobilise millions of voters—in particular, women of all social classes and ethnic communities, including younger women. Abortion is so important an issue that Trump himself has wavered a little in his public support of restrictions.

On Gaza, her campaign is warning Americans unhappy with Israel's war on the Strip that Trump would be much worse for the Palestinians. Harris and her allies also emphasise the danger to American democracy and institutions if Trump returns to the Oval Office, recalling the 6 January 2021 attack on the Capitol in particular.

The Harris campaign is also advertising the support it has received from a variety of Republicans—including Trump’s former Attorney General and even former Vice President Dick Cheney—who fear Trump more than they dislike Harris.

A winning strategy

There are many signs that the Harris campaign strategy is succeeding. Biden was behind Trump in national polls and, more importantly, in polls in the key swing states. Despite her difficulties with younger voters so far, the most recent surveys show Harris is ahead or even with Trump nationally and, more importantly, in the seven key states of North Carolina, Georgia, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan, Nevada, and Arizona.

These are key states because they have many votes in the electoral college, and opinion surveys indicate the two candidates’ standing is within a few percentage points of each other. For this reason, in the 2024 election, Trump and Harris spent most of their time in these seven states. Big, enthusiastic crowds attended recent election rallies with Harris in Arizona, Michigan, and North Carolina.

Harris’s discipline and self-control are another advantage. In public, she strictly adheres to her basic message about her middle-class origins and issues like abortion and saving democracy. She successfully used these messages against Trump in the 10 September debate. Trump, by contrast, is not disciplined, and his campaign speeches often move from harsh personal attacks against Harris to recounting strange conspiracy stories.

During the 10 September debate, he repeated the bizarre extremist claim that Haitian immigrants catch and eat residents’ dogs and cats in a small town in Ohio. The town mayor denied the rumour, and Democrats quickly produced videos on TikTok and Instagram mocking Trump for this mythical story. However, Trump’s daily stories about immigrants and crime draw a dark picture of America, while Harris urges hope and unity even if she offers few policy details.

Stronger VP pick

The Democrats also have an advantage with the vice president candidates. Harris’ choice for vice president, Minnesota Governor Tim Walz, grew up in a small town in the Republican-leaning state of Nebraska. He was a high school teacher in a small town in Minnesota, and he understands rural areas that usually support the Republican Party.

It is also important to note that in addition to teaching, Walz volunteered to manage his high school’s football team. The team's weekly matches are a major social event for small American towns, and Walz is comfortable speaking to this culture.

Read more: Tim Walz: The governor increasing Kamala Harris’s appeal

By contrast, Trump chose the young Ohio senator JD Vance, who is not an experienced politician. Vance blamed unmarried women for America’s social problems, insulting millions of women voters.

Shockingly, after a student murdered two students and two teachers at a school in the key state of Georgia on 4 September, Vance said that “these things happen” and the government could do nothing. Walz is sympathetic, but Vance is cold, and opinion polls show Walz has more support than his Republican Party competitor.

Read more: ‘Hillbilly’ Vance could give Trump the Rust Belt... and the White House

Funding advantage

Harris’ robust performance during the Democratic Party convention in Chicago in August, her powerful speeches at campaign rallies, and the relief that Biden has stepped aside in favour of a younger candidate have enabled the Harris campaign to raise huge financial donations. In its reporting to the National Election Commission, the campaign said it had raised $361mn in August alone, far surpassing the $130mn the Trump campaign raised during the month.

On 6 September, the Harris campaign reported having almost $400mn in cash accounts, while the Trump campaign reported having $295mn. The cash advantage is important since it enables a campaign to hire more workers and buy advertising, especially during this vital last phase of the campaign.

Risky strategy

The Republican Party is taking an untraditional approach to the 2024 presidential campaign by deploying a smaller campaign organisation and targeting a different type of American voter. After Lara Trump, wife of Trump’s son Eric, received control of the Republican Party national organisation in March, she fired dozens of workers and merged the Trump election campaign team with the national party organisation.

Some election veterans, including the former head of the Republican Party, Ronna McDaniel, have told the media that the Republican Party organisation is not ready for an intense national campaign. They say that the Republican Party does not have enough campaign workers to contact voters house-by-house in county after county, especially in key states. (I have noticed in the state of Maine, where I live, that there are many fewer Trump signs and flags than I saw in 2020.)

Trump is depending, however, not on Republican Party workers but rather on outside organisations for financing and workers. Elon Musk and other rich donors are giving millions of dollars to Trump’s political action committee to fund Trump’s campaign. In normal campaigns, organisers from the two political parties manage thousands of volunteers who make telephone calls and go house-to-house to encourage voters to support candidates.

Harris needs a large number of younger voters to surpass Trump's advantage with older voters, and many are unhappy with the White House policy on the Gaza war

The Trump campaign in 2024 is trying a different tactic. A conservative Christian political organisation called Turning Point USA, led by the young conservative activist and media personality Charlie Kirk, is playing a crucial role in the contact work with voters in key states such as Wisconsin and Arizona. And the strategy is not to target all voters. Rather, Turning Point USA aims to find voters who registered with the Republican Party at the local election offices but who do not take the time to go to the election locations to vote.

In 2020, in Arizona, for example, 230,000 voters registered for the Republican Party did not vote, and Biden won Arizona by 11,000 votes. Based on public voter information, Turning Point USA knows how to find these missing Republican voters. They have created a cellphone app with the names and addresses of these voters, and the Turning Point USA workers at the street level are trying to contact them to convince them to make an effort to vote this year.

The strategy is risky. This work requires a lot of time and workers on the streets in the swing states. Turning Point works for Charlie Kirk, not the Trumps or the Republican Party, which controls the execution. In addition, Turning Point USA has no record of success. The two candidates that it had supported in the Florida elections in 2022 failed.

Some Republican Party leaders worry that Turing Point USA does not have enough workers for their mission, and the Republican Party doesn't have workers or volunteers ready to replace them in the last month of the campaign, while the Democratic Party's organisation enjoys many resources.

In a race so close, opinion surveys cannot accurately predict who will win. Here are crucial factors to watch. First, can Trump and Vance be more disciplined and focus their message on the economy and the immigration challenge without bizarre stories and personal attacks that insult millions of Americans?

Can the Republican Party-Turning Point USA operation descend to the streets in big numbers to find and convince hundreds of thousands of missing Republican voters to take the time to vote? Will Harris and the Democratic Party machine be able to confirm her support in cities in the key states, especially among women and younger voters?

Watch where she and Walz visit in the last weeks of the campaign. The sure sign of their confidence will be visits to Republican bases in smaller towns in the seven key states.

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