Can Iraq break free from its geopolitical chains?

Geography often plays a key role in determining a country’s fate, and Iraq seems to have gotten the short end of the stick

Will Iraq regain its stature as an important regional player or surrender itself to foreign influences?
Nesma-Moharam
Will Iraq regain its stature as an important regional player or surrender itself to foreign influences?

Can Iraq break free from its geopolitical chains?

Baghdad: Since its inception as a state in the 1920s, geopolitics have imposed harsh realities onto Iraq. As such, it has had difficulty managing its relationships with neighbouring countries.

When the country was still a monarchy, Prime Minister Nuri al-Said recognised the importance of forging regional and international alliances. During his tenure, he played a pivotal role in setting up the Baghdad Pact—an alliance comprised of Britain, Iran, Turkey and Pakistan. Unfortunately, this pact was unable to strengthen Iraq enough to protect it from the 1958 coup, during which nationalist army officer Abdul Karim Qasim oversaw the toppling of the monarchy and the assassination of al-Said.

When Saddam Hussein came to power in the late 1970s, he was of the view that the traditional way of doing things wasn’t working for Iraq. He believed Iraq needed to be a strong and dominant regional player and forcefully rule over its neighbours. He quickly started a war with Iran—the longest war of the 20th century—and when that was over eight years later, he tried to invade Kuwait.

However, Iraq’s quest for regional hegemony did not sit well with Washington. Then-US President George H.W. Bush thwarted Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait, and then when his son George W. Bush became president, he overthrew the Baathist regime in Baghdad and executed Saddam. Keen to preserve American power and influence in the region, the US would go on to play a key role in forming Iraq’s subsequent governments while other regional players also meddled.

But instead of rebelling against this foreign meddling, Iraqi politicians surrendered, and for over 20 years, Iraq has been at its weakest. Failing to put its own national interests first, it has found itself continuously embroiled in regional conflicts. Foreign meddling has not only curbed Iraq’s ability to govern its own affairs but also made it practically impossible for it to form a cohesive national identity.

State fragility

Geography often plays a key role in determining a country’s fate, and the Middle East knows this all too well. For decades, it has been a battleground for regional and global powers to settle disputes and send messages to each other. As a result, several Arab countries rank high on the Fragile States Index (FSI).

And while Iraq’s ranking on the FSI has improved over the years, it remains in the danger zone. Iraq is governed by myriad political factions, with foreign loyalties often governed by sectarian, ethnic, or even personal interests, making it a tinderbox for conflict.

AFP
Iraqi Shiite fighters from the Hashed al-Shaabi (Popular Mobilisation) paramilitaries advance in a desert area near the village of Tall Abtah, southwest of Mosul, on November 28, 2016.

Due to the existence of different power and influence centres, Iraq doesn't have a unified foreign policy. In fact, when foreign dignitaries visit the country, they meet not just the president or prime minister but also party leaders and other political figures.

Another issue indicative of state fragility is the existence of parallel state entities represented by irregular armed groups. These groups undermine the government’s ability to provide security—an essential prerequisite for attracting foreign investment and fostering economic development.

Complex relationships

Well aware that a stable political and security environment is crucial for the state to play a strong and active role in its regional and international context Iraqi Prime Minister Mohammed Shia’ Al Sudani penned an article for Asharq Al-Awsat titled Iraq 2050: Prosperity, Stability, and Reviving the Baghdad of Innovation and Culture. In the piece, he says that “development can only be achieved through domestic stability and good foreign relations. This demands that Iraq be a country of laws where the state has a monopoly on arms. We will not tolerate seeing weapons outside the hands of the state’s security and military establishment. Good foreign relations require the development of regional and international partnerships.”

He goes on to say that “Iraq’s abundance of resources, strategic location, history, regional weight, and influence in the world economy all mean that it can play a bigger role befitting its real size. Its good relations with friendly countries have paved the way for building bilateral and multilateral partnerships with many countries across the globe, and we have many more relationships to build."

While what Al Sudani said has good intent, it remains unclear whether Iraq can extrapolate itself from its current conundrum. To date, Baghdad has failed to free itself from the influence of both Washington and Tehran.

At the beginning of his premiership, Al Sudani expressed to the US ambassador his wish that Iraq not be a battleground for US confrontation with Iran. While this may be wishful thinking, Washington needs to understand that a stable Iraq is in its own interest, and as such, it should avoid escalation and confrontation with Iran and its proxies in Iraq.

From its standpoint, Iran views Iraq not only as a sphere of influence but as a cornerstone of its national security vision. It considers a strong and stable Iraq as a threat and, therefore, strives to keep it divided and weak.

A stable Iraq is in America's interest. As such, it should avoid confrontation with Iran and its proxies there.

Meanwhile, Iraq's relationship with Turkey in the north is no less troublesome. International reports indicate that if Iraq doesn't fix its relationship with Turkey, it will face a severe water crisis in the future. The second major issue is security-related, unresolved by both previous and current governments, concerning the presence of the PKK in northern Iraq, which Turkey regards as a terrorist group.

Economic integration

After its liberation from the Islamic State (IS), the Arab world began to open up once again to Iraq and a series of cooperation and rapprochement projects were launched. Under the government of Adil Abdul-Mahdi, Iraq initiated an economic partnership with Saudi Arabia, taking practical steps to consolidate cooperation by establishing two economic councils: one at the governmental level and another coordinating council for Saudi and Iraqi businessmen. Although bureaucracy in Iraq and personal agendas have stalled the activation of agreements and cooperation projects approved by council meetings, moving towards economic partnership with Saudi Arabia is a positive step toward achieving economic integration, which is crucial for solidifying relations between the two countries.

Read more: Baghdad brims with promise as Iraq opens up to the Arab world

In another article for Asharq Al-Awsat titled Jeddah Summit: A Golden Opportunity for the Arab League to Lead Al Sudani expressed his ambition to provide a safe environment that can foster integration and partnership between Iraq and its neighbours. He stated, "We unequivocally declared that Iraq would never be a source of threat to its Arab and regional neighbours. Instead, we will make it a place for convergence and partnership built on economic integration to serve our countries."

To this end, Al Sudani's government is working on achieving economic integration between Iraq, Turkey, and the Gulf states through the strategic development road project linking the port of Faw with the Turkish border and from there to Europe. Last April, Baghdad hosted a meeting that included transport ministers from the Gulf Cooperation Council countries, Iran, Turkey, Syria, and Jordan, to discuss this strategic project and implement its aims of consolidating regional economic cooperation. Memorandums of understanding were signed between these countries.

The mere consideration of strategic projects aimed at achieving economic integration and partnership with Iraq is a significant step in the right direction. Economic and security partnerships will help Iraq improve its relationships with the Arab world. Iraq could gain a lot from Egypt's expertise in rehabilitating infrastructure, addressing the electricity crisis and fighting jihadist groups. Iraq also needs Jordan as its gateway to the Red Sea through the Gulf of Aqaba. Therefore, implementing the Basra-Aqaba oil pipeline project will help Iraq export its oil. If linked to the Kirkuk oil fields, such a strategic project could give Iraq the upper hand over Turkey.

Iraq first

Today, the opportunity to realise the grand ambition to "put Iraq first" discussed in various regional and international forums seems more promising than ever. Regional players need to understand that keeping Iraq as a failed state isn't in anyone's interest.

For its part, Iraq needs to adopt a proactive rather than a reactive approach to its regional relations. While Arab regional players are keen to see a prosperous and stable Iraq, it remains unclear what the ruling powers in Iraq want. Do they want to see their country resume its stature as an important regional player, or are they content with remaining under the grip of foreign influences? The answer to this question may very well define Iraq's future and its relationships with its neighbours and the world.

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