Kissing the ring: the delicate politics behind Netanyahu’s US visit

For the Israeli prime minister, this was a chance to ‘play Churchill’, but though he was applauded, that isn’t what American legislators wanted to hear. Meanwhile, there was an important fence to mend

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses a joint meeting of Congress in the chamber of the House of Representatives at the US Capitol on July 24, 2024.
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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu addresses a joint meeting of Congress in the chamber of the House of Representatives at the US Capitol on July 24, 2024.

Kissing the ring: the delicate politics behind Netanyahu’s US visit

Speeches by Israeli prime ministers in front of the US Congress tend to be celebrations, both of the deep bond between the two nations and of the bipartisan support Israel has generally enjoyed in the United States.

The speech this week by Benjamin Netanyahu was nothing like that. It did not help that he had not been invited, at least, not by the ruling Democrats. He was here at the invitation of the Republicans, as he has been on three previous occasions.

Netanyahu, known as ‘Bibi’ to Israelis, has sought an invitation throughout US President Joe Biden’s three and a half years in office, but none has arrived. This felt a little like him climbing in an open window, not walking in the front door.

Vision vs slogans

Israel is at war, perhaps one of the most critical wars it ever waged since confronting its Arab neighbours throughout the latter half of the 20th century, in the decades after it declared its existence in 1948.

That war is still raging. Since October, when it began, Israel has needed a vision of where it is going, especially after so much violence. A way out of war and into a more sustainable future needed to be presented to Israel’s closest ally.

It wasn’t. Any vision, if it exists, was almost entirely lacking from Netanyahu’s speech. Instead, this was meant to be a feel-good crowd-pleaser for Israel’s supporters, full of slogans, catchphrases, villains, and heroes.

Matthew Hatcher / AFP
A pro-Palestinian protester holds a sign inside a bus during a demonstration against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's visit to Washington, DC, on July 24, 2024.

Netanyahu brought Israel’s own heroes with him, soldiers who fought on 7 October, plus the families of hostages. He then sought to frame Israel’s fight against both Hamas and Iran as the West’s fight, a “clash between barbarism and civilisation”.

A question of timing

The Israeli leader looked to be channelling Churchill (who, ironically, addressed a joint Congressional session three times), but this was a speech that may have felt right nine months ago, but which largely fell flat this long into the war.

Netanyahu may even have been reading Churchill’s ‘blood, sweat, and tears’ speech, given that his was scattered with a liberal sprinkling of points that were pressed into action as opportunities for applause.

Netanyahu was here not at the invitation of Democrats but of Republicans, just as he has been on three previous occasions.

"I promise you this," said the Israeli PM. "No matter how long it takes, no matter how difficult the road ahead, Israel will not relent. Israel will not bend. We will defend our land. We will defend our people. We will fight until we achieve victory."

The comparison with Churchill's famous speech is stretched. Churchill spoke at the start of the war, in 1940, five years before it ended. Netanyahu spoke as Gaza lies in ruins. It would be like Churchill speaking in March 1945.

Crumbs of a clue

Little was said about the future of the conflict in Gaza, Israel's long-term strategy to defeat Hamas, or to release hostages still being held there. Netanyahu simply repeated that Israel would maintain "overriding security control" over Gaza.

This is a phrase he used at the beginning of the war. It implies that Israel will remain in Gaza, able to undertake ad hoc nightly raids, like it does in the West Bank. Beyond  that, he pledged only to "de-militarise and de-radicialise" Gaza.

Seth Herald / Reuters
Graffiti covers the Columbus Memorial Fountain at Union Station during a pro-Palestinian protest on the day Netanyahu addresses a joint meeting of Congress on Capitol Hill, in Washington, July 24, 2024.

Perhaps the only thing of note was his mention that Gaza should be run by a Palestinian civilian administration and his rejection of the idea that Israel should resettle Gaza, an idea supported with giddy glee by his far-right allies.

That Gaza should be run by Palestinians with no Israeli resettlement will have seemed obvious to most for nine months, but at the end of July 2024, Netanyahu has only just managed to say it aloud.

Biden holds his breath

For weeks, the White House has known of the visit and been concerned about what Netanyahu would say, just months before US voters cast their ballots.

In the event, the 74-year-old Israel prime minister was not stupid enough to come to Washington and poke Biden in the eye, as many Democrats had feared. That said, he did talk about US weapons shipments, some of which have been delayed.

Elizabeth Frantz / Reuters
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu meets US President Joe Biden (not pictured) in the Oval Office at the White House on July 25, 2024.

The fact that Bibi's speech was a regurgitation of Israeli hasbara (PR and narrative) was, in that sense, a relief. Yet that was always secondary to Netanyahu's main purpose: to kiss Trump's hand and cement his bond with top Republicans.

Of course, he is hedging his bets, and trying not to alienate Democrats, but he long ago abandoned Israel's policy of maintaining support on both sides of the aisle.

Republicans lay a trap

For the Democrats, Netanyahu's visit—and the timing of it—was a Republican political 'trap'.

Republicans knew that Biden had been avoiding a Bibi visit, in part because so many Democrats are aghast at Israel's actions in Gaza, so this was designed to make them squirm.

Taking a bashing domestically, Bibi has badly needed the glory of a hero's welcome in Washington to boost his rating, and had grown frustrated at not getting it. Here, just months before the US election, he immediately accepted the offer.

Netanyahu was hedging his bets, trying not to alienate Democrats, but he long ago abandoned Israeli policy of maintaining support on both sides.

In recent years, Democrats would not have missed a Netanyahu speech. In 2024, however, skipping it is a good idea. Showing themselves as pro-Israel or pro-Palestine is now fraught with difficulty and—after Gaza—anger.

In this fevered atmosphere, nuance comes second. Democrats may argue that they attended the speech out of respect for Israel, an important US ally, rather than out of support for Netanyahu, but that does not mean that they will be heard.

This delicate Democratic balancing act is what the Republicans wanted to test. For Bibi, it was the cherry on the cake, forcing Biden's hand.

Nathan Howard / Reuters
Police detain a woman demonstrator against Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu as he addressed a joint meeting of Congress in Washington, on July 24, 2024.

The sight of the president finally having to meet the prime minister in the White House for a visit not of Biden's making will no doubt have brought much mirth to Republican ranks.

Red corner rankles

Yet even in the red corner, things are not simple. Despite years of Israeli attempts to mend fences, Trump has yet to forgive Netanyahu for being one of the first foreign leaders to congratulate Biden for his election in 2021.

Trump, who was one of Netanyahu's closest allies during his presidency, famously accused the Israeli PM of disloyalty and of making a "terrible mistake" for appearing to confirm a result Trump saw as stolen.

Speaking of revered Israeli reporter Barak Ravid in late 2021, Trump said: "I liked Bibi. I still like Bibi. But I also like loyalty. The first person to congratulate Biden was Bibi. And not only did he congratulate him, he did it on tape… I haven't spoken to him since. F**k him."

It is not clear if fences have yet been mended, despite repeated Israeli attempts to do so, including a reportedly heartfelt message from Netanyahu and his wife after Trump survived an assassination attempt.

In it, Bibi calls Trump "President Trump", not "former President Trump", in a not-so-subtle message about his election hopes.

Lavishing the praise

In his speech in Congress, while Bibi thanked Biden, he also concluded his speech by thanking Trump for moving the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, and for recognising the annexed Golan Heights as Israeli.

Saul Loeb / AFP
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu speaks to a joint meeting of Congress at the US Capitol on July 24, 2024

He also thanked Trump for "confronting Iran," a jab at Biden, whose efforts to avoid an escalation with Tehran and to negotiate over Iran's nuclear programme are criticised as "appeasement" by Netanyahu's supporters and Republicans.

Also noticed was Netanyahu's long delay in publicly reacting to Biden's decision to step down, doing so on the tarmac of his flight to Washington.

In his speech, Bibi thanked Trump for moving the US Embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem and recognising the Golan Heights as Israeli. 

He thanked Biden for his support "during the war and his years as President, Vice President and Senator".

This portrayed Biden as the former President, a distant figure from the past (in Israel, some said Biden did what Bibi should: withdraw from politics for the wider good).

Netanyahu's pointedness obviously worked, since he got the invitation he sought: a private meeting with Trump at the latter's Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida. For Bibi, it bodes well, but whether they are now friends again remains to be seen.

Letting Bibi sweat

Notably, it is Bibi—a current head of state—who is made to travel to Trump, a current opposition figure. In Florida, Netanyahu will no doubt have 'kissed the ring'. In essence, it is for Trump to forgive Netanyahu... or not.

Shortly before he met Netanyahu, Trump published a message that Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas sent to him after the failed assassination attempt, with a handwritten 'Thank You' note from Trump, promising "all will be good".

It was an interesting intervention. For Bibi, facing the return of the Palestinian Authority to Gaza, all would not be good.

Seth Herald / Reuters
A demonstrator waves the Palestinian flag from the Columbus Memorial Fountain at Union Station during a protest on the day Netanyahu addresses a joint meeting of Congress, in Washington, on July 24, 2024.

For politicians facing unpopularity at home, traveling abroad is never a bad idea. It may have let him forget Israeli polling data showing that most Israelis do not want him as their PM. The sound of applause from the US Congress would have been a huge relief. It is a sound that Netanyahu will have missed.

He even posed Trump-esque onboard Israel's equivalent of the presidential plane Air Force One (Israel's is called 'Wings of Zion'), wearing a baseball cap with the slogan 'Total Victory'—Netanyahu's preferred phrase for Gaza.

The photo is unlikely to have gone down well in Israel, where people criticise the 'Wings of Zion'  as a waste of taxpayer money, but more importantly, where the idea of 'total victory' in Gaza is now seen by most Israelis as an illusory goal.

Still, this felt like a rare celebratory moment for Netanyahu: nine months into the war, and against all odds, Israel's leader sitting pretty inside Israel's newest toy, still at the helm despite one of Israel's worst security failures occurring under his watch.

A good time to fly

Back home, there are growing divisions within his coalition, including between far-right National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir and Netanyahu's religious allies, including over the issue of military conscription for ultra-Orthodox Jews.

Netanyahu just needs to limp over the line. The Knesset (Israel's parliament) will be in recess in a few days, not returning until the end of October. This means no vote to dissolve the Knesset and force a new election.

Netanyahu just needs to limp over the line. Israel's parliament will be in recess in a few days, not returning until the end of October.

Any vote would then be in 2025, because electoral campaigns need to last three months, according to Israeli law.

If Netanyahu's government cannot be unseated until the autumn, this gives him much more room to manoeuvre, and possibly sign a hostage release deal that brings a ceasefire in Gaza, without facing immediate political consequences.

Michael Santiago / Getty Images
Demonstrators in New York make their feelings known in protest at the visit of Prime Minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, to Washington D.C. on July 24, 2024

His far-right allies have said they would leave the government if the war ends, but they will now not be able to collapse the coalition until the end of October. This gives Bibi a narrow window to U-turn, although in all likelihood, he will not use it.

Flying back, the applause still ringing in his ears, Netanyahu will infer significance from a visit that many Israelis saw as just a nice holiday for their prime minister.

Yet if Trump is now happy to let bygones be bygones, it will all have been worth its while for Israel's ultimate political survivor, who lives to fight another day.

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