History shows US-Israel relationship has survived worse

The very public disagreements between Washington and Tel Aviv over Gaza in recent weeks are both rare and telling, yet this transatlantic alliance has weathered far more severe storms

US President Joe Biden (L) with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Tel Aviv on 18 October 2023.
AFP
US President Joe Biden (L) with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Tel Aviv on 18 October 2023.

History shows US-Israel relationship has survived worse

It is almost unheard of for American and Israeli leaders to have serious misgivings about one another in public, yet in recent weeks, that is exactly what has happened.

Although US President Joe Biden has spent his career nurturing relations in Israel, it seems that his administration has lost patience with the governing coalition of Benjamin Netanyahu over Israel’s conduct in Gaza.

In particular, Washington has been exasperated by Tel Aviv’s failure to adequately distinguish between civilians and combatants during its military operations in the Strip, with a staggering 35,000 Palestinians now killed.

The US has also felt the need to distance itself from Israel’s role in creating what could become one of this century’s worst humanitarian crises, with hundreds of thousands of Gazans now facing famine as a result of Israel’s siege.

The world noticed when the US chose not to veto UN Security Council Resolution 2728, calling for an urgent ceasefire in Gaza—something Israel strongly opposes.

For decades, the US has shielded Israel, time and again using its veto as a permanent Security Council member to block criticism of the Jewish state or calls to remedy its perceived wrongs.

Therefore, the recent public chastisement, in strikingly critical comments from the White House, challenges the prevailing view in Arab capitals about Israeli influence on US foreign policy in the Middle East.

However, many of these views are based on misunderstandings or, in some cases, on conspiratorial and misplaced assumptions about lobby groups' power.

Read more: AIPAC contends with an increasingly critical American left

Truman’s true love

The US has held a deep interest in Israel for decades. This is primarily rooted in politics, culture, and the personal views and beliefs of individual politicians.

It took US President Harry Truman 11 minutes to recognise the State of Israel on behalf of the United States after David Ben-Gurion declared independence on 14 May 1948, the day the British Mandate ended.

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US President Harry Truman (left) with Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion in the Oval Office on May 8, 1951.

Following his own personal convictions, Truman drafted the recognition in his own handwriting, without the knowledge of the State Department, much to its dismay.

Many in his administration (including his Secretary of State, George Marshall) had argued against US recognition of Israel, warning that it could damage relations with Arab states and potentially impact US access to oil.

Some later said Truman's decision was politically expedient, designed to win Jewish votes in the 1948 presidential election, and that he was then trailing in the polls to his Republican opponent, Thomas Dewey.

In fact, it came down to Truman's strong Christian faith and his interpretation of the biblical texts he studied as a child, which spoke of Jews' liberation from Pharaoh's oppression and of their return to the 'Promised Land' of Palestine.

Seeing parallels between the biblical narrative and the Nazis' recent persecution of Jews, Truman was pleased to be likened to Cyrus the Great.

Cyrus was the king who supposedly conquered Babylon in 538 BC. He allowed the Jews to return to Palestine after their exile by Nebuchadnezzar and rebuild the temple in Jerusalem that had been destroyed nearly 50 years earlier.

Yet Truman's support was personal, and contrary to the popular Arab perception, the history of US-Israel relations is not one of uniform harmony.

Read more: Examining the evolution of US-Israeli relations

Eisenhower's anger

The alliance is complex and prone to strains, with several significant points of disagreement along the way, including the Suez Crisis in late October 1956.

In the Arab world, this is referred to as the tripartite aggression, when France, Britain, and Israel attacked Egypt after it had nationalised the Suez Canal.

It took US President Harry Truman 11 minutes to recognise the State of Israel on behalf of the United States on 14 May 1948

The US—then led by President Dwight Eisenhower—opposed the aggression from Paris and London and put huge pressure on its allies to pull out, which they did.

Israel, however, refused to comply with US demands to withdraw from Egyptian territory, including the Sinai, the Straits of Tiran, and the Gaza Strip, which was under Egyptian administration at that time.

Several subsequent resolutions called for Israel's withdrawal, the most prominent being UN Resolution 1124 in February 1957, which the US strongly supported, yet Ben-Gurion's government refused to budge.

Instead, Tel Aviv issued conditions such as the guaranteed use of the Strait of Tiran post-withdrawal and an end to Egyptian support for cross-border attacks.

Eisenhower rejected these and turned to Congress to press Israel further, yet Congress—which was subject to lobbying—was reluctant to back him.

Resorting to threats

Eisenhower felt he had support, including from the cabinet. His US Secretary of State John Foster Dulles (whose brother was CIA director) felt "we had gone as far as possible to try to make it easy for the Israelis to withdraw".

To go further, he thought, "would surely jeopardise the entire Western influence in the Middle East, and the nations of that region would conclude that US policy toward the area was, in the last analysis, controlled by Jewish influence".

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Eisenhower threatened to cut $100mn in annual aid the US had been giving Israel since the early 1950s.

Once that was their conclusion, Dulles thought, "The only hope of the Arab countries would be found in a firm association with the Soviet Union."

Eisenhower took his grievance to the American people, asking them directly: "Should a nation which attacks and occupies foreign territory in the face of UN disapproval be allowed to impose conditions on its own withdrawal?"

He added that the United Nations "must not fail" and said, "I believe that, in the interests of peace, the UN has no choice but to exert pressure upon Israel to comply with the withdrawal resolutions."

Eisenhower threatened to cut off the $100mn in annual aid that the US had been giving Israel since the early 1950s to help it absorb Jewish immigrants, particularly those from Arab countries.

The Soviets were also threatening to expel Israel from the UN if it did not comply. When Eisenhower suggested that the US may not oppose this, Israel withdrew.

Eisenhower's actions were not driven by any specific animosity towards Israel, but rather by a broader understanding of the new post-1945 international order, which the US had played a big role in shaping.

Established after World War I, the League of Nations had failed to prevent war, de-escalate conflict, or even contain it. Eisenhower felt that the resolutions of its replacement, the United Nations, had to be enforced if it was to succeed.

Eisenhower threatened to cut $100mn in annual aid the US had been giving Israel since the early 1950s. 

Kennedy's pivot

Washington's commitment to the UN's foundational principles became selective as the Cold War developed. Values-driven idealism gave way to the dirtier pragmatism needed to defeat Communism in a series of proxy wars.

Both the US and the Soviet Union began to tailor their support for the UN to fit their respective geopolitical strategies. That trend only accelerated under President John F. Kennedy.

Kennedy was concerned about Israel's plan to build the Dimona nuclear reactor with French support and insisted it be used only for civilian purposes and be open to external oversight, yet he also recognised Israel as a strategic ally.

As such, he ended the US arms embargo against Israel and all other participants of the 1948 war, which had anyway become untenable because the Soviets were now supplying weapons to Israel's adversaries.

In 1962, Kennedy agreed to sell Hawk anti-aircraft missiles to Israel to protect it from any Syrian air strikes. Until then, Israel had relied on France for its defence.

Kennedy became the first US president to formally declare a commitment to Israel's security and defence, praising it as a democracy in a region of authoritarian regimes uninterested in peace and stability.

This pivot was driven by several factors, not least the rise of Abdel Nasser's Egypt, which had become a key battleground for influence between East and West. Washington did not want the Middle East to fall under Moscow's spell.

The move towards full support for Israel solidified over the 1967 War, known in the Arab world as the Naksa (Day of Setback) when Palestinians were displaced following Israel's occupation of the West Bank and Gaza.

Read more: The 1967 Naksa relived through the memoirs of Abdel Nasser's top generals

In the lead-up to the war, the US was alarmed by Abdel Nasser's mobilisation of hundreds of thousands of soldiers along the front with Israel while a smaller Syrian force massed on Israel's northern border.

US concern deepened after Abdel Nasser demanded the withdrawal of international emergency forces from the border and closed the Strait of Tiran to Israeli ships.

Earning respect

The US continued to maintain a stance of neutrality and tried to mediate. It urged Egypt to de-escalate by withdrawing its forces and reopening the Strait of Tiran and urged Israel against carrying out any pre-emptive strikes.

Israel chose to do just that, however, since it feared being imminently attacked by both the Syrians and Egyptians in an assault it felt it could not withstand.

The swift and decisive defeat of Egypt, Syria, and Jordan in 1967 decisively shifted the US position in favour of Israel

The result was the swift and decisive defeat of Egypt, Syria, and Jordan (which had joined the Arab alliance shortly before the strike). This led to Israeli control over the West Bank, Gaza Strip, Sinai, and East Jerusalem.

This decisively shifted the US position in favour of Israel. In a speech to Democratic Party members, President Lyndon Johnson said the US was on Israel's side.

"We are with Israel because it represents a commitment to democracy and freedom. It is an embodiment of the great values that we inherited from our ancestors: freedom, justice, sacrifice, and human dignity."

Johnson's words echoed the narrative pushed by Israel's supporters in the US that both nations were founded by immigrants who had succeeded in establishing democratic states despite being amongst hostile, tyrannical barbarians.

It also signalled a growing admiration for Israel in the US, no doubt influenced by its decisive military performance in the 1967 war, at a time when the US could only dream of a similar victory in its own war in Vietnam.

In Washington, Israel's emphatic triumph against three much larger Arab armies was seen as remarkable and impressive. Here, finally, was a highly capable US ally in a difficult region.

Their relationship has been strong ever since, and remains strong, even though war in Gaza has shown that they differ greatly in some areas. No alliance lasts forever, yet history suggests that this one still has some way to run.

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