Politics

Djibouti: small coastal state crammed with Red Sea naval bases

Eight countries from four continents have a military presence in this tiny country in the Horn of Africa. Those with naval bases here include nuclear-armed rivals with troops just kilometres apart.

Eduardo Ramon

Djibouti, which sits in a strategic location opposite Yemen, is home to military naval bases from various countries, including the US and China.

Djibouti: small coastal state crammed with Red Sea naval bases

Con Coughlin

last update on 27 Jul 2024

Deepening tensions in the Red Sea following Israel’s attack on the Houthi-controlled port of Hodeidah in Yemen have highlighted the growing importance of Djibouti as a military base used by world powers to monitor the region.

A tiny country on the Horn of Africa with just over a million people, Djibouti is home to American, French, Chinese, Japanese and Italian military bases, to name but some. It is also the home port for two European Union (EU) naval operations.

Earlier this month, Josep Borell, the EU’s top diplomat, visited the country, calling it “a strategic partner at the heart of a region beset by multiple crises”, adding that it “plays a major role thanks to its strategic position”.

Notwithstanding the problems in the Red Sea caused by the Houthis, Djibouti is nevertheless in a tough neighbourhood. One of the world’s oldest Muslim countries, it shares a border with Somalia, Ethiopia, and Eritrea.

Tensions have been heightened in and around Somalia following a deal signed between Ethiopia and Somaliland. Ethiopia, meanwhile, has gone through a terrible civil war in Tigray. Not too far away, Sudan is wracked by civil war, too.

Repercussions of Gaza

In November, the Houthi militia in Yemen—one of Iran’s main allies in the region—declared war on Israel in support of the Palestinians of Gaza.

Ever since, they have targeted merchant ships passing through the Red Sea, ostensibly those with links to Israel, either in terms of ownership or destination, that being the Israeli Red Sea port of Eilat.

The Houthis have disrupted one of the world’s busiest shipping routes, with operators re-routing around Africa, adding up to two weeks to the journey and almost doubling the cost of transit. This has helped push European inflation up.

Djibouti is a strategic partner at the heart of a region beset by multiple crises. It plays a major role thanks to its strategic position.

Josep Borrell, the EU's High Representative for Foreign Affairs

It has also hit Djibouti hard. Around 60% of Djibouti's gross domestic product (GDP) is generated from revenue from its port, yet this is down by more than half after the Houthis' Red Sea attacks led to a huge fall in maritime traffic.

Its foreign debt is currently 70% of Djibouti's GDP. Most of it is with China. If maritime traffic does not pick up soon, Djibouti risks insolvency.

Naval powers' playground

Western powers such as the US and UK have reacted to attacks on merchant vessels with strikes against Houthi positions in Yemen, aiming to limit the group's ability to target shipping in the Red Sea.

The EU's operations (Atalanta and Aspides) have been set up with a more defensive nature, to protect merchant vessels as they pass through.

The need for nations to monitor developments has increased the vital strategic importance of Djibouti, which has developed into a major military hub used by a bewildering array of global powers.

Situated at the mouth of the Red Sea, 28km from Yemen, Djibouti's geographical proximity to the Bab-el-Mandeb Strait at the entrance to the sea has led to it currently playing host to eight overseas military bases.

The US, UK, China, Germany, Spain, Italy, France, and Saudi Arabia have all established military bases here, while Russia, India, and Ethiopia also have strong interests in setting up military bases.

Doing so gives these naval powers a launchpad from which to protect vital shipping routes and monitor Islamist militants, such as al-Qaeda, Islamic State in the Arabian Peninsula, and Al-Shabab, based in Somalia.

Camp Lemonnier

For many years, the most important military base in Djibouti has been the US-run Camp Lemonnier, which became a key centre for US counter-terrorism operations in the region in the wake of the 11 September 2001 (9/11) attacks.

Used to gather intelligence on terrorist cells operating both in Africa and the Gulf, Camp Lemonnier is home to 4,500 US military personnel and is the only American military base in Africa.

Far from being wound down, it recently underwent a $1.4bn upgrade, in part because it is also used by US Special Forces, fighter planes and helicopters, as well as being a major operational centre for drone operations in Yemen and Somalia.

Djibouti's role in hosting a major US facility became the source of controversy, however, after long-serving ruler President Ismail Omar Guelleh agreed to let China build a rival base in close proximity to the Americans.

Having relied heavily on aid from the US and Europe to keep his country afloat, Guelleh came in for heavy criticism from the Obama administration over his autocratic style of leadership so he turned to China instead.

China on the Red Sea

Negotiating a new strategic alliance with Beijing, Guelleh allowed China to take a $185m stake in a strategically important port close to Camp Lemonnier.

China's arrival in Djibouti, where it has now established its first African base, is part of Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a global programme of investments (primarily for infrastructure) across Asia and Africa.

Typically, China finances loans to African nations, which then struggle to pay them back, ultimately culminating in legal Chinese ownership of the project in question. The US says Beijing is using it to extend its military, financial and political influence.

China's arrival in Djibouti, where it has now established its first African base, is part of Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative.

The People's Liberation Army Support Base in Djibouti, as the Chinese facility is called, is operated by China's People's Liberation Army Navy (PLA-N). It is the PLA-N's first overseas military base and cost $590m.

Inevitably, it caused friction between Washington and Djibouti, but the Guellah government is reliant on Chinese money and rejected US criticism that it was tilting towards Beijing at the expense of its long-standing allies.

Sovereign vs satellite

Guellah's insistence on maintaining his country's independence has even led to suggestions that he is considering allowing Russia—which has wanted to build a naval base at nearby Port Sudan—to build one in Djibouti.

This development would add to the plethora of rival nations already competing for influence in the tiny African state.

With so many powerful states in such close proximity, some ask whether Djibouti can still maintain its sovereign independence, especially in view of its heavy dependence on Beijing for financial support.

If Chinese intervention led to Djibouti becoming a Chinese satellite in the Horn of Africa, this would have profound implications for the continued operation of Camp Lemonnier and other Western military bases.

Djibouti's willingness to be used as a host for some of the world's most advanced militaries may have helped the Guellah stay in power, but in the long-run, it may have compromised the country he leads.

+ / -