In his memoirs, five-time Syrian premier Khaled al-Azm describes his first meeting with Abdulaziz Al Saud, the founding king of Saudi Arabia, in the capital, Riyadh, shortly before the Palestinian Nakba of 1948:
"We entered a large hall and saw the king seated on a chair next to a table with a telephone. He stood tall to welcome us as we walked towards him, and what caught my attention was that his sons, the princes, were not seated next to him but rather, far away by the door."
"The king looked at everyone in the room, confronting them with his words and feeding them generously with his hands. Three employees then came in to bring him the latest world news. They knelt before him to report what was coming just in from Cairo, London, and Berlin. The king would occasionally interrupt them to comment or ask a member of his entourage for the names of a person he may have missed or forgotten."
Every bit of news brought anguish to the king: violent demonstrations at the gates of the US and Soviet embassies in Damascus, torching of a British institute in Cairo, and 75 Jews killed in Aden, Yemen. The Arab Street was boiling in response to the repeated massacres and provocations being carried out by Zionist militias in Palestine. On 9 April 1948, over 200 Palestinians had been slaughtered in the village of Deir Yassin, and within four days, the Zionists began advancing towards Safad, Haifa, and Jaffa.
Army of Deliverance
The Saudi king shook with rage, praying for the victory of Fawzi al-Qawuqji, the Lebanon-born commander of the Army of Deliverance—a volunteer troop of Arab forces that had entered the battlefield in late 1947, months before the regular Arab armies. King Abdulaziz knew al-Qawuqji well ever since he had settled in Riyadh as a political fugitive in 1928, where he had been tasked with helping train the Saudi army.
The king had recommended that he lead the volunteer army; in fact, the entire project had been his brainchild in coordination with his friend, Syrian President Shukri al-Quwatli. King Abdulaziz wanted to call it Jaysh Nusrat al-Muslimeen (Army to Support Muslims), but his Egyptian counterpart, King Farouk, argued otherwise, claiming that Christians were bound to join al-Qawuqji’s troops.
He proposed Jaysh Tahrir Filasin (Army for the Liberation of Palestine), and al-Quwatli suggested the “Army of Deliverance,” which was acceptable to them all. Syria offered to establish its training camps near Damascus. King Abdulaziz asked Syrian foreign minister Jamil Mardam Bey about the 3,000 rifles that the mufti of Jerusalem, Hajj Amin al-Husseini, had promised to deliver. The Syrians just shook their heads in disbelief, saying that only 200 had arrived and, of that number, only 25 were suitable for war.
Funding resistance
The Saudi king then offered to compensate for the missing weapons, and on 22 January 1948, President al-Quwatli sent his bureau chief, Muhsen al-Barazi, to Riyadh for a follow-up meeting. In his memoirs, the Sorbonne-educated Barazi wrote: “His Majesty said that the weapons were stored in crates and ready to be shipped to Egypt, from where the Egyptian Government would send them to Palestine.”
"Why Egypt?" asked Barazi, reminding that Saudi Arabia could send the arms directly via Jordan, but the king explained that this might be problematic for King Abdullah. He then summoned his son and foreign minister, Emir Faisal (later King Faisal), who explained his country’s contribution to the war effort would be one thousand brand new British rifles, five hundred bullets, and ten crates of military equipment.
He also presented Barazi with a hefty financial donation to be distributed under al-Quwatli’s supervision to the Arab fighters in Palestine. Emir Faisal then looked towards his Syrian guest and humbly said: “Perhaps...we need to do more.”
Barazi told him that what Saudi Arabia had given was more than enough, channelling the funds immediately to Damascus so that the Syrian president could distribute them to the Arab tribes. The Arab League had first mandated the Army of Deliverance at the urging of Saudi Arabia, whose monarch wanted a collective victory for the Arabs, or in the worst case, a collective defeat, shouldered equally by all.