Defence-only EU force in Red Sea shows break with US-UK strategy

Earlier this month, the European Union disclosed its own plans for an operation at sea, separate from Washington's Operation Prosperity Guardian

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Europe's new Aspides maritime operation to safeguard vessels being attacked by Houthis in Yemen has set it on a different course from the US. It needs to sail carefully if it is to succeed.

Defence-only EU force in Red Sea shows break with US-UK strategy

Mathieu Droin

last update on 26 Feb 2024

In December, when the United States announced its military operation against Houthi rebels in the Red Sea, it had the backing of nine other nations, including five European states.

In January, when US air strikes hit Houthi bases across Yemen, targeting sites being used to disrupt international navigation, only the UK and the Netherlands showed support.

As coalitions go, it was quite the rapid diminishment.

Earlier this month, the European Union disclosed its own plans for an operation at sea, separate from Washington’s Operation Prosperity Guardian.

It raised eyebrows.

Was the EU signalling a strategic shift between the allies? Was it a lack of unity? How would they coordinate? It set analysts’ tongues wagging.

The European mission – called Aspides, after the Greek word for shield – is tightly focused on defence, but its overall objectives are similar.

Announcing it, the EU’s foreign policy chief Josep Borrell stressed that its mode was “purely defensive”. It suggested that he thought the US-UK effort was not.

Soft engagement

Europe’s nations are familiar with the region, its politics and geography. They have run military operations in the area for decades, including at sea.

France, for instance, has two military bases, in Abu Dhabi and Djibouti; Italy has a history of activity around the Horn of Africa; Spain leads the successful Atalanta anti-piracy operation off the coast of Somalia, an EU initiative since 2008.

More specifically, the European Maritime Awareness in the Strait of Hormuz (EMASoH) was launched in 2020 amid tensions with groups linked to Iran. It runs monitoring operations from its Abu Dhabi HQ along this key shipping lane.

Aspides will not involve offensive operations against the Houthis, who see their attacks on Western ships as a way of showing support to Palestinians as Israel wages war on Gaza.

This 'defensive-only' distinction from the US-led effort has been welcomed in places like the neighbouring states of Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Oman.

The EU unveiling its own anti-Houthi operation at sea has raised eyebrows. Is the EU signalling a strategic shift between it and its allies?

They have all been concerned that the US air strikes on Houthi positions and infrastructure may make the current humanitarian crisis in Yemen worse.

Cost and criticism

The Houthi attacks — which have successfully deterred merchant ships from passing through the Suez Canal — have hit Egypt hard in the pocket.

Egypt cannot afford to lose billions of dollars in transit fees, as thousands of ships avoid the Red Sea and divert around Africa, adding ten days to the voyage.

Oil and gas-producing nations are also keen to see an end to the disruption in a route they see as essential to carbon exports to Europe.

shutterstock — Earlier this month, the European Union disclosed its own plans for an operation at sea, separate from Washington's Operation Prosperity Guardian.

The critics are numerous.

Some say the anti-Houthi operation still risks destabilising the region, even if the EU's operation is "purely defensive". Others say it shows that the West still only engages when its own interests are at stake, in this case, commercially.

Easy does it

To avoid this negative perception, the Europeans may want to consider how they go about things before Aspides embarks on its quest.

First, diplomacy should be used alongside weaponry. For that to succeed, the Europeans should demonstrate a commitment to regional security above and beyond safeguarding energy supplies and commercial routes.

The EU's Special Envoy for the Gulf Region, Luigi Di Maio, is perfectly placed to lead on this — especially given that he is a former Italian foreign minister.

Diplomacy must be used alongside weaponry. Europe needs to commit to regional security beyond energy supplies and commercial routes.

Second, the EU should use its expertise in collaborating over maritime matters in the Indian and Pacific Oceans to bring in partners from outside the Middle East. India, which aspires to a bigger international role, would be the ideal fit.

Third, the Houthis have won widespread regional support by linking their attacks to support for Palestinians in Gaza. The Europeans need to break that link by pushing in earnest for a ceasefire in the embattled enclave, to end the bloodshed.

Progress in these three areas will help ensure that the EU's Aspides operation can be a success, with ships guarded and conditions improved.

The danger, if they get it wrong, is that the Middle East adds yet another problem to its list.

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