Mosul novelist chronicles the destruction of his beloved city

A nuanced view of Mosul

The author's storytelling style in chronicling his time in prison reflects Sufi ethics and culture. He frequently succumbs to tears, fervently supplicating to God and engaging in prayer to get through the violent interrogation sessions.

His suffering does not hinder him from vividly portraying Mosul's society, capturing the intricate dynamics between its inhabitants, groups, and factions.

He delves into the transformations that have swept through the city across successive eras, starting from the US-imposed blockade on Iraq that spanned 13 years (1990-2003) before the subsequent American occupation.

The narrative navigates through the waves of civil wars and sectarian conflicts during that occupation, culminating in the tyrannical and terroristic IS rule over Mosul for three years, from 10 June 2014 to 26 June 2017.

Al-Attar presents a nuanced perspective on the American occupation of Mosul, challenging the narrative this occupation was the definitive reason why many of the city's inhabitants turned to extremism.

He says that US troops patrolled the city without harming its residents unless provoked. Salaries were distributed, jobs secured, and Iraqi recruits in the new army seamlessly conducted their duties.

The streets were safe for shopping, and locals interacted with Iraqi and American soldiers. Contrary to the primary theatres of conflict in Najaf and Fallujah, Mosul, often dubbed the "White Dove" in Iraq, was largely peaceful during the three years of the US occupation (2003-2006).

As jihadist extremists opposing both American and Iraqi forces surfaced in the city, their demeanour — particularly Iraqi troops— shifted to aggressive hostility against their fellow residents, who felt constrained and besieged.

The military and security forces, under the leadership of Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki (2006-2014), adopted a "sectarian rather than Iraqi nationalist" character. This sectarian bias dictated their aggressive behaviour towards the locals, often described as "state terrorism."

Coupled with the escalating sectarian massacres in Iraq and the forced exodus of Sunnis from Baghdad, these factors set the stage for the growth of jihadist influences in Mosul after 2006.

The city found itself ensnared between the jihadists and the ruthless government forces. Al-Attar recounts that Mosul residents lost all trust in the government forces during those years. As a result, when extremists killed a soldier or policeman, the locals found themselves sympathising with the perpetrator.

Grievances fuelled IS recruitment

In the era preceding the IS takeover of Mosul in 2014, jihadists, some arriving from distant lands, flocked to the city. They mixed with its people, fuelling resentment against perceived injustices from government forces and levelling accusations of sectarian bias.

Mosques became soundboards for incitement against Shiites. Those who challenged this narrative, like Al-Attar, drew the ire of the IS militants. Sectarianism tore apart Mosul's social fabric incitement, dominating all aspects of everyday life.

The process of de-Baathifation impoverished many Sunnis, who were subjected to persecution and marginalisation. These grievances fuelled incitement toward the newly established state and helped jihadists recruit followers.

Al-Attar challenged the idea that IS was largely dominated by fighters coming from foreign lands. Instead, he says that locals made up the majority of fighters after Mosul's social fabric was destroyed and its residents were subjected to persecution and injustice at the hands of the state.

Al-Maliki's government committed massacres, which further fuelled rising sectarianism and alienation of the Sunni community. This created fertile ground for IS recruitment.

In an interview with Al Majalla, Al-Attar describes Mosul following its liberation from IS rule. He says the Shiite militia Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) took charge, which only exacerbated tensions with Sunni residents, who were looked upon as IS supporters.

The PMF seize most of the government-allocated funds for Mosul's reconstruction, leaving very little for the city's development projects. 

While freedom of press and expression is generally allowed in Mosul and criticism of government officials is tolerated, criticism of the PMF is off-limits. 

Mosul's total destruction

In a bid to save the ancient city from total destruction, IS militants were allowed to retreat to Raqqa in Syria. However, the PMF still wished for Mosul's destruction.

Mosul has a vibrant ancient history, and many residents still lived in 500-year-old homes made from gypsum and sandstone, including prominent families with deep roots in the city, such as the Jalili, Omari, and Sabounji families.

The PMF successfully displaced these inhabitants from their centuries-old homes, including the mosque built by Caliph Omar in 22 AH. The historical Mosul Citadel witnessed the Arab-Muslim victory over the Persians and also suffered damage.

Mosul was a city characterised by diversity and a blend of various ethnicities. Alongside its Sunni Arab majority, there were Kurdish, Turkmen, Yazidi, Christian, Assyrian, Chaldean, and Protestant minority communities.

As well as the significant number of Sunni migrants, the population of Mosul's minority groups dwindled. About 90% of its Christian residents fled to Iraqi Kurdistan and never returned, diminishing the Christian population in Mosul from a previous 12% of the total population.

Six years after the fall of IS, the once-vibrant ancient city of Mosul with its historical gems lies in ruins, deserted. Its inhabitants are banned from returning or reconstructing their homes, purportedly due to the lingering threat of landmines, and the well-preserved ancient houses are being torn down.