Compare Hamas with Taliban, not IS

Both groups have faced military onslaughts and existential threats

Compare Hamas with Taliban, not IS

Following the 7 October attacks, comparisons between Hamas and the Islamic State (IS) were soon made, focusing on their willingness to target civilians.

Elements of the tactics used in the operation launched against Israel from the Gaza Strip mirrored those used by IS in Syria and Iraq over the past decade. But the differences between the groups are more revealing than the similarities.

Not least, they have very different foundations – Salafist jihadism for IS and roots within the ideology of the Brotherhood of Islam for Hamas – and their political objectives and ultimate goals are also very different.

There is a better comparison to help understand Hamas: with the Afghan Taliban. While differences remain, and their actions and objectives are distinct, insightful similarities exist between the group’s ideological origins and political contexts.

There is a better comparison to help understand Hamas: with the Afghan Taliban.

Origin story

The Taliban originated from the Deobandi Movement, which developed after the 1857 Indian uprising against British colonialism. In contrast, Hamas was influenced by the Egyptian and Arab context that gave rise to the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1930s and 1940s, a period marked by demands for political participation from the local educated class under Egyptian monarchy and British occupation.

The Deobandi Movement emerged with a focus on preserving Islamic heritage in the Indian subcontinent following the dissolution of the Mughal Empire. It aimed to counter British efforts to alter the fabric of Muslim society in India and prevent new uprisings like the one in 1857, where Indian Muslims played a significant role.

Deobandi adherents concentrated their efforts outside the Muslim community on engaging with British and Hindu communities, countering their viewpoints and reinforcing the religious and cultural identity of Muslims.

The movement's influence is evident in the Taliban's firm stance against various other groups and ideologies. Initially, it stood against the Soviet occupation, followed by opposition to the government of Mohammad Najibullah and other political parties involved in the jihad against the Soviets.

The Taliban were opposed to what they saw as corruption, external affiliations, and the adoption of non-Islamic beliefs.

Hamas, originating from a Muslim Brotherhood background, prioritised building an Islamic society. This involved establishing schools, hospitals, and media institutions and expanding into unions and civil society organizations.

For the Muslim Brotherhood, these activities typically precede the development of a military-security apparatus and efforts to seize power through elections or force. This approach has been replicated in various Arab countries over the last century.

Those scenes in Kabul – and what led up to them – should be carefully remembered by those seeking the elimination and replacement of Hamas.

Engagement and survival

However, such differences are not the primary focus. While the Deobandi and Taliban follow Hanafi beliefs, Hamas avoids engaging in similar debates due to the diversity of Islamic schools in its region, including the Shafi'i school in the Levant, Hanafi in Egypt, and Maliki in North Africa.

The more critical aspect is how each movement interprets and engages with their societies. And how determined they can be in surviving intense and sustained military moves against them.

After the terrorist attacks of 11 September 2001, US and Western officials were vocal in saying that the Taliban had no future in Afghanistan. A full US military campaign later that year significantly weakened the Taliban, forcing the group out of power. It retreated into remote, mountainous regions near the Pakistani border.

There was a widespread belief that the US and its Western allies – including the Northern Alliance and figures like Hamid Karzai and other members of the Loya Jirga, or grand council – were making significant progress in winning the hearts and minds of the Afghan people and transforming the governance of the country from Kabul.

Retreat then resurgence

But the Taliban kept together and bided its time. And then came its resurgence, which took it all the way back to power. The group's return to Kabul was helped by several factors.

These included the failure of the US to establish a widely accepted state in Afghanistan, the limited popular support for the leaders it appointed, and the Taliban's ability to echo the desires of the Pashtun majority with a conservative agenda that opposed foreign political dominance.

Right now, there are voices confidently predicting the downfall of Hamas in Gaza. They echo the words which predicted the same for the Taliban. Both say more about the hopes of those uttering them than the realities among the people most directly affected.

Regardless of views on the Taliban and Hamas, whatever their actions and histories – from Mullah Omar's emergence from a humble religious school in Afghanistan to the founding of Hamas during the first Palestinian Intifada – one fact stands out.

In Afghanistan, the Taliban reclaimed power, after all it had faced. There was little resistance to it from the internal groups opposed to it, including the Northern Alliance. The US withdrawal was chaotic.

Those scenes in Kabul – and what led up to them – should be carefully remembered by those seeking the elimination and replacement of Hamas.

Ironically, many leaders today were in office during the Afghanistan crisis. Yet, their track record suggests a lack of learning from past experiences, which does not help them or their people.

Unheeded lessons from history

The two groups represent different forms of political Islam, in different places. But they have similar characteristics, including their origins and the strategies they use to confront the external forces intent on transforming their countries' political landscapes.

There is little popular support for Hamas' rule in Gaza or the West Bank, and it would be unfortunate for Palestinians to live under such a government. There are similarities here to the difficult circumstances faced by Afghans under Taliban rule.

Nonetheless, the politics on the ground in Gaza are more intricate than the simplistic view often portrayed by some "experts," who tend to impose their own perceptions or misconceptions about the Palestinian situation.

Ironically, many leaders today were in office during the Afghanistan crisis. Yet, their track record suggests a lack of learning from past experiences, which does not help them or their people.

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