Since the beginning of the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq there have been numerous ethical debates concerning the nature of the US’s involvement in these countries. Questions of justice and sovereignty abound amongst the many mistakes that were made in the preparation and execution of these wars, but one continues to stand out even as the US begins to withdraw from Iraq, particularly because this military disengagement will likely only make matters worse.
The use of military contractors by the United States in combat operations has tarnished the image of the US abroad for its excessive dependence on what many have dubbed trigger-happy greedy bullies. Although the nature of the American military and its ambitious engagements predispose it to rely on external contractors, the numerous scandals associated to their vigilante behavior has done very little to help the US build relationships based on trust with the local communities in both Iraq and Afghanistan.
On the contrary, contractors like Blackwater Worldwide, one of the most notorious of these companies, are now more associated with the damage they have wrought than the support they have provided. From assassinations to bribery to fraud, Blackwater has borne its mistakes like a scarlet letter, prompting its former owner to change Blackwater’s name to Xe Services, LLC. Yet, all of the image re-branding in the world has not undone the damage the organization has caused. Frustratingly, however, Xe’s public unpopularity has not stopped it from continuing its close relationship with the CIA (with contracts adding up to $600 million since 2001), nor has it helped in the prosecution of several cases attempting to bring the company to justice for its innumerable infractions.
Legal obstacles associated to jurisdiction, the difficulty of obtaining evidence in combat zones, and the problems associated to overcoming immunity deals are the reasons given for why investigations and prosecutions against the company have not come to fruition. While it is understandable that in the evolution of warfare, unforeseen problems will arise, the US’s ever-growing reliance on these services requires that contractors be better monitored, better trained, and better integrated into the military machine already in place.
In Machiavelli’s seminal work on political theory, the diplomat of Florence makes one thing very clear about military strategy: Mercenaries are “doubtful, unfaithful, and dangerous.” While his take on mercenaries may be exaggerated, or at least unfeasible considering the amount of manpower necessary to conduct contemporary warfare, the problems that companies like Blackwater have presented parallel those that Machiavelli warned his leaders of.
A recently released Wikileaks document brings to light one particular incident that illustrates contractors’ wild West approach to providing security, and how easily this tendency has undermined US efforts to establish stability in Iraq. In December 2004, an American contractor fired shots into a crowded minibus, and at the tire of another civilian car. The shooting stopped only after the Iraqi police, port security and a British military unit arrived. More surprisingly perhaps was how the contractors reacted following their arrival. Having found no one hurt, they proceeded to hand out cash to local Iraqi civilians and then left.
The scene described is just but one example of numerous testaments to contractors’ habit of shooting indiscriminately at civilians. Such incidents have occurred in Iraq and Afghanistan, and both countries have reacted by reducing the number of contractors present as in the case of Afghanistan, and by increasing their accountability as has been attempted in Iraq. Nevertheless, these companies, and Blackwater in particular, remain above the law.
Even after having been condemned for a number of civilian deaths in Iraq, Blackwater created a hub of approximately 30 subsidiaries to continue to do business with the American government, effectively becoming a high-priced paramilitary organization. Most recently, the State Department awarded Blackwater a $120 million dollar contract to provide security to regional offices in Afghanistan, while the CIA has renewed the firm’s contract for its station in Kabul for $100 million, as reported in The New York Times. Officials have claimed that these contracts depended on Blackwater’s agreement to pay $42 million in fines to justify the US government’s continuing business with this rogue company. However, even with these new contracts, Blackwater’s legal troubles are far from gone. For one, five former executives of the company have been indicted on weapons and obstructions charges, and there is an ongoing investigation concerning allegations that company members sought to bribe Iraqi authorities, in addition to two more murder charges accounting for the deaths of two Afghans. Although significant, these are just the first steps in fighting against the impunity that organizations like Blackwater have become accustomed to operating under.
Nevertheless, as the presence of security contractors continues to grow—Congress estimates that the number of contractors in Iraq will likely double in the coming years—it is equally important to assess yet another side to their role in war. Despite the negative impact that contracting firms have had, contractors themselves provide invaluable services to war efforts. However, this contribution is accompanied by yet another injustice. Although they also bare the brunt of war alongside the military, civilian contractors do not have the same benefits, nor do they experience the same public recognition for their work, making them what ProPublica calls “the Vietnam veterans of this generation.”
While it remains indispensible to hold companies like Blackwater accountable for the crimes of its employees, it is equally important to understand the added value that many of their employees provide, and to ensure they are compensated fairly for the sacrifices they make. In a joint investigation entitled “Disposable Army” conducted by ProPublica and the Los Angeles Times, the reporting network describes the way in which the US’s reliance on contractors has allowed the government and the employers to neglect the health of the contractors as well as their contribution to the war effort.
A brief comparison between the number of civilian deaths and military casualties illustrates their point clearly. Between January and June 2010, more than 250 civilians working under US contracts died in war zones, while in that same period the Pentagon recorded the deaths of 235 soldiers. Working as translators, or doing basic labor such as cleaning, civilian contractors perform indispensable duties in warfare, but unlike the military, they are not compensated nor honored for their efforts. Moreover, reports ProPublica, “The rising fatalities have received little public attention, concealing the full human cost of the war.” They experience the same lifelong disabilities without the support networks that have been put in place to help soldiers rehabilitate after particularly draining tours in some of the most dangerous war zones in the world. On the contrary, most return to their home country’s to spend enormous legal fees trying to claim benefits that their company’s insurances promised them—insurers who are often all too willing to sacrifice quality of care for cost.
While the role and conduct of private security firms clearly raise important questions about ethics in contemporary warfare, as well as the need for justice and compensation for victims, it is important to note that not everything is black and white. Not all contractors are vigilantes, and most have made indispensible contributions to America’s war effort—they should be treated accordingly. As private security firms continue to support the US in its withdrawal from Iraq, the government must better integrate these institutions into the military system already in place lest more injustices result from such oversights.
Paula Mejia – Contributing editor.
