Five months after the Iraqi parliamentary elections, which produced no clear victor, the formation of an Iraqi government remains at a standstill. Ongoing negotiations between the different Iraqi coalitions, the June ratification of election results by the Supreme Court, followed by the opening of a new parliament have done nothing to resolve the situation.
As violence continues to erupt in the streets, Iyad Allawi’s Al-Iraqiyya alliance and outgoing Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki’s State of Law bloc battle it out for political power. Both blocs claim their constitutional right to form a coalition government. Allawi insists that Al-Iraqiyya is given the first chance due to its initial two-seat victory over Al-Iraqiyya, and Al-Maliki’s bloc, after having merged with the third-placed Iraqi National Alliance (INA) and other Shi’a groups (post-opening of the new parliament in June) to form the National Alliance (NA), has claimed his coalition’s right to form the new government.
Though the constitution is ambiguous as to which bloc has the legal mandate to form a coalition government, the parliamentary majority now held by the National Alliance, which has a total of 159 seats in the 325-seat parliament, presents what may be the most expedient option, especially considering the rise in violence due to a continuing power vacuum. However, the recent decision by the INA to halt talks with State of Law members aimed at selecting a prime minister represents another serious setback. Until the State of Law nominates a prime minister other than Nouri Al-Maliki, INA members will not resume talks, thus providing more time for Allawi to form his own majority coalition.
In this interview, President Jalal Talibani speaks to The Majalla about the complexities of the ongoing political stalemate, his lack of constitutional power to force a resolution, and the prospects of remaining president for another term.
The Majalla : The controversy over what constitutes a majority in parliamentary elections has been the reason behind the five-month delay of government formation after the elections. How do you see this?
Parliament should decide what constitutes a majority bloc. This would come after a Supreme Court decision, defined by Article 76 of the constitution as the list that gains the highest number of votes, or the parliamentary bloc that holds the majority in the opening session of parliament. President Massoud Barzani and I had earlier tasked Al-Iraqiyya led by Dr. Iyad Allawi with forming the government when it was the majority bloc. However, neither the Supreme Court nor parliament have made Al-Iraqiyya the majority bloc.
Q: But the dispute between Al-Iraqiyya and the newly formed National Alliance is the reason behind the continuing crisis?
An agreement on a government agenda should have been reached first, because this is the most difficult part of the process. Then come other things, including the issue of the three presidencies, which was submitted by the Kurdistan Alliance in the negotiation paper to the different political blocs. Nevertheless, we are still faced with the challenge of choosing the prime minister. Both Al-Iraqiyya and the National Alliance consider themselves to be the majority bloc tasked with choosing a prime minister. If they do not reach an agreement, they must refer the case to the Supreme Court.
Q: What is your role in resolving the crisis, especially that, in addition to your position as president of Iraq, you enjoy a well-respected status among all political blocs?
In practical terms, now I do not have the constitutional power to select anyone to form the government. The newly elected president has the constitutional authority to select the candidate from the majority bloc in parliament.
Of course, I am proud of my good relations with everyone, as I have stood by them all, including Al-Iraqiyya when I said that there were no restrictions preventing Dr. Iyad Allawi from becoming prime minister. I see that it is not right to restrict any of the candidates—Allawi, Al-Maliki, Al-Ja’afari or Adel Abdul-Mahdi. I would like to point out here that I do not interfere, but will continue to do all that I can to resolve the crisis as soon as possible.
Q: It is noteworthy that there is near-consensus on you remaining president for another term. The Kurdish Change List is the only one to oppose such a decision. How do you explain this?
They do not take this stance any more. I consider this natural, as the Change List has dissented from the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan, which I lead; consequently, it is natural to stand in an opposing position.
Q: Are you concerned about the US withdrawal from Iraq since Iraqi troops are not yet prepared in terms of armament?
No, I'm not concerned about the US withdrawal from Iraq. This withdrawal has been agreed upon in the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA) between Iraq and the US. Also, it does not mean that the US is abandoning its commitments to Iraq.
Q: There were differences between you and Prime Minister Nouri Al-Maliki. How is the situation now?
I'm not speaking about an outgoing government. However, it is necessary to explain the constitution. There is a problem in specifying authorities. So far it is not constitutionally clear as to the powers of the prime minister or the cabinet. The relationship between the president and the prime minister is also unclear. These issues will remain after the formation of the government and need either a constitutional amendment or regulation bylaws.
Q: You have good relations with Iran and much has been said about Iran’s role in Iraqi affairs. How do you see this?
Let me tell you something, the Iranians have asked me to interfere in resolving the Shi’ite-Shi’ite dispute. They preferred not to interfere in the dispute between both coalitions, and asked me to interfere. Yes, I have good relations with Iran and also have good relations with the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Syria; all these are neighboring countries to Iraq and have differences with the government.
Interviewed conducted by Hamza Mustafa
