Israelis' eroding trust in government is on the ballot

On 27 October, Israelis head to the polls, carrying with them frustrations and anxieties borne out of Israel's longest war in history

An Israeli soldier casts his vote a day before the Israeli general election at a military base in southern Israel, near the border with the Gaza Strip, on 31 October 2022.
AFP
An Israeli soldier casts his vote a day before the Israeli general election at a military base in southern Israel, near the border with the Gaza Strip, on 31 October 2022.

Israelis' eroding trust in government is on the ballot

One thousand, one hundred and sixteen. That is the number of consecutive days Israel will have been at war when national elections get underway on 27 October. It is the longest consecutive fighting period Israel has engaged in since becoming a state in 1948. The implications of this figure are rattling Israeli society with reverberations that will be felt—and studied—for decades.

As a reminder, the multi-front war was sparked in October 2023 by Hamas operatives crossing into Israel from Gaza. Around 1,200 Israelis were killed in the ensuing fighting, and Hamas took 250 hostages. Within hours of the assault, Israel launched an offensive in Gaza and, in the days, weeks and months that followed, subsequent fronts opened between Israel and Lebanon, Israel and Iran, Israel and Syria, Yemen, Iraq and the West Bank.

Around 20,000 Israeli soldiers have been killed or injured while fighting on all these fronts since 2023, according to Israeli army figures. Among those who have served in the army, PTSD has climbed 40% since 2023, and that figure is predicted to soar to 180% by 2028.

“The idea that we are at war for almost three years and the heavy burden on the shoulders of the Israeli army is mainly on the reservists is something which is totally mad,” Israel National Studies and Misgav Institute's Senior Middle East/Military researcher Kobi Michael said.

“Reservists serving 700 days or the last two and a half years have no life. They have lost their jobs. People were divorced. They do not see their children," he added.

All seven fronts remain active and unresolved, and in recent weeks the looming threat of an eighth front opening with Türkiye has emerged. This anxiety will likely be on Israeli minds as they go to the polls.

This election is predicted to be the most consequential in Israel’s history on both domestic and international fronts. That is because voters face a range of issues beyond warring with the neighbours. There is scant trust in the current political leaders, growing polarity between religious vs secular and politically ultra-right/extremist vs centre-left sectors, the cost of living is soaring, and anti-Israel/antisemitic sentiment due to Israel's war on Gaza is rising.

Alex Wong/ AFP
Activists protest near the US Capitol on 24 July 2024, in Washington, DC. Activists staged multiple demonstrations near the Capitol to protest Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's visit to Washington and Israel's war on Gaza.

Some of this sentiment has translated into violence. Last year was the deadliest in decades for Jews worldwide, with more than 23,000 attacks perpetrated against Jews—20 of those resulting in death. Those figures from Jewish advocacy group the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) coincide with research showing a triple-digit surge in global hate crimes against Jews within weeks of Israel's 2023 war on Gaza. Around 52% of Israelis are afraid to reveal their nationality when travelling abroad. Furthermore, a growing number of European and North American Jews feel Israeli government policies are endangering their lives.

Growing grievances

In Israel, citizens struggling to make ends meet also question government decisions. A third of Israelis are locked into debt, spending more than they earn as living costs balloon. On average, Israelis pay 21% more than residents of Europe’s wealthiest countries. So while Swedes pay an average €15 for a kilo of beef, Israeli consumers shell out €25 euros for the same. A €1.80 litre of petrol in Germany and France goes for €2.20 in Israel. These price hikes are largely being driven by an inflated military budget, conflict-driven supply chain interruptions and labour shortages created by restrictions on Palestinian workers.

On the socio-political front, polarisation between right wing/religious and extremist blocs vs center-left/secular sectors is expanding. Benjamin Netanyahu’s current coalition is propped up by ultra-Orthodox parties and far-right extremists like Itamar Ben Gvir and Bezalel Smotrich. Ben Gurion University comparative politics expert Professor Guy Ben-Porat says these parties are targeting democratic institutions in an effort to reconfigure Israel into an ethnocratic majoritarian country and “stamp upon the rights of minorities".

Polls from various research centres show that nearly 80% of the country's citizens lack faith in its leaders

Drawing parallels with populist regimes in Hungary and Poland, Ben-Porat warns of the state's racialised and securitised stance toward its 25% Arab citizens. Figures like Ben Gvir and Smotrich are using crises to justify repression within Israel and beyond, in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, where settler attacks on Palestinians are at a record high.

Climate of distrust

But perhaps the most critical election factor is the growing trust deficit Israelis have with their government. Polls from the Israel Democracy Institute, the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Study, and other research centres show nearly 80% of the country's citizens lack faith in its leaders.

That trust plummeted on October 7 when Israelis questioned the government's failure to prevent the attack. It further dropped when they saw the government's inability or unwillingness to cut a deal with Hamas to bring the hostages home. This led to prolonged collective frustration, and countrywide protests ensued. 

Jack GUEZ / AFP
A portrait of Israel's Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu hangs during an anti-government protest calling for action to secure the release of Israeli hostages in Tel Aviv on 29 March 2025.

Shattered trust

As of January 2026, only 32% of Israelis trust Netanyahu—the country's longest-running prime minister—with a majority seeing his policies prolonging the war as driven by political aims rather than genuine security interests. 

In the wake of October 7, 2023, Israel's chief of staff, head of military intelligence, head of the Israeli army's southern command and head of its Gaza Division all resigned. Netanyahu and his political contemporaries have not. Instead, they have pushed back on recurring public calls for a Supreme Court-appointed Commission of Inquiry investigation into the intelligence and military failures that led to October 7, saying an investigation should wait until "after the war" while offering to form a handpicked, politically appointed "fact-finding" committee instead. 

Netanyahu's critics maintain he bears responsibility for failing to prevent the attack while perpetuating a years-long appeasement policy with Hamas characterised by funnelling financial aid to Gaza via Qatar—sometimes inside cash-filled suitcases—to counter their Palestinian Authority rivals in Ramallah.

But as the Israeli public's trust in their government recedes, support for the military has not, with polling showing 85% still trust and respect the army.  According to Kobi Michael, Israel's public understands that "there is a huge gap between the political echelon and the military echelon when it comes to taking and exercising responsibility. Therefore, the Israeli public tends to rely much more on the military echelon than the political echelon."

And because the country has been living with the heavy weight of unprecedented stress and pressure in recent years, people are looking for an alternative. 

According to Michael: "The alternative in the eyes of the Israeli public will not come from the known political echelon. It will come from other places."

Reuters
Gadi Eisenkot launches an election campaign for Yashar, his new political party, at an event near Hod Hasharon, Israel, on 30 June 2026.

Broad appeal

This could explain the broad appeal of military-affiliated candidates now vying for this election's top slot. Leading in this category is strategy-driven former Chief of Staff - and key Netanyahu rival, Gadi Eisenkot. Head of the "Yashar" (Eng: "honest" or "straight") Party, Eisenkot's 10-point agenda calls for restoring Israel's security, unity and democratic institutions but does not include blueprints for a future Palestinian state. In recent polling, Eisenkot surpassed Netanyahu as the person most suitable to lead the country. 

New to the campaign trail: religious-nationalist candidate Ofer Winter, who launched the Amcha Yisrael Party (People of Israel) on 25 August. A former Brigadier General and commander of the elite Duvduvan (Cherry) undercover unit, Winter calls for "voluntary emigration" from Gaza and maintains staunch loyalty to Netanyahu: he says he will only join a coalition the current PM is part of. 

Former Deputy Chief of Staff and Major General Yair Golan heads up the centre-left  Democrats Party, predicted to take 10-11 Knesset opposition bloc seats. Former Chief of Staff/Defense Minister Benny Gantz, leading the centrist/Zionist Blue and White Party, stands for ridding the government of extremists. 

REUTERS/Corinna Kern
A file photo shows an election poster depicting Blue and White party leader, Israeli Defence Minister Benny Gantz, alongside Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu in Tel Aviv, Israel.

One face of the future to watch: 23-year-old Yonatan Shalev, a former elite commando commander who served hundreds of days fighting on multiple frontlines in recent years. Known for a 2025 shouting match against foreign affairs and defence committee members advocating excusing Ultra-Orthodox citizens from military service, Shalev formed the "equal service for all" Reservists Group —the fastest-growing NGO in Israel's history. 

Hand-picked in April to join former PM Naftali Bennett and former FM Yair Lapid's joint centrist "Beyachad" or Together Party, Shalev stands to be the country's youngest ever Knesset member in October.  

"We really have to fight for this house in order for it not to collapse," Shalev commented when asked for his take on Israel's current state of affairs.

In a report co-authored with Misgav Institute researcher Col. (res) Professor Gabi Siboni, Kobi Michael asserts Israel is no longer the same country it was before October 7. The succession of events on and after that day shattered long-standing fundamental and foundational assumptions and historical paradigms in Israel.  No longer relevant to Israel's new reality, many assumptions do not provide adequate tools or ideas to ensure the country's survival, security and prosperity. In October, Israeli voters will decide whether the dramatic paradigm shift concomitantly demands a leadership overhaul. 

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