Syria’s private-sector workers are finding their voice

Recent strikes show how workers are beginning to use Syria's expanded civic space to make economic and social demands. The government should see this as a warning, but also an opportunity.

LOUAI BESHARA / AFP
Photo by LOUAI BESHARA / AFP
A worker pushes a hand truck past a shop selling spices at the old market in Damascus ahead of the Eid al-Adha holiday on 26 May 2026.
LOUAI BESHARA / AFP
LOUAI BESHARA / AFP Photo by LOUAI BESHARA / AFP A worker pushes a hand truck past a shop selling spices at the old market in Damascus ahead of the Eid al-Adha holiday on 26 May 2026.

Syria’s private-sector workers are finding their voice

The latest test of Syria’s fragile transition began not in a ministry or a public square, but inside a ceramics factory south of Damascus. Workers at Zanobiya Ceramics in al-Kiswah stopped work to demand higher pay, better healthcare, safer conditions and basic respect. Their protest was not driven by ideology, but by the daily pressure of trying to survive in an economy where wages no longer cover the cost of living.

The strike quickly moved beyond one factory. Similar protests and sit-ins appeared in other private-sector companies, including al-Hafez and Madar. The demands differed in detail, but the message was the same: workers are no longer willing to carry the burden of Syria’s economic collapse while employers treat wages and working conditions as secondary concerns.

That makes the unrest politically significant, even if its demands are economic. For decades, labour grievances in Syria were suppressed, absorbed by state-controlled unions or left to fester inside workplaces. Workers had little room to act collectively, little faith that unions would defend them and little expectation that the state would mediate fairly between labour and capital.

The recent strikes suggest that this equation is beginning to shift. Workers are using the civic opening after Assad to make social and economic claims from the factory floor. The question now is whether Syria’s authorities, employers and unions can adapt before these disputes become a wider test of the country’s recovery.

At Zanobiya, the immediate trigger was the government’s decision to raise the minimum wage. Workers said they had approached the company through the union committee to ask whether the increase would be implemented. According to their account, they received no formal reply and were instead met with a dismissive verbal response.

But the strike was never only about a one-off salary increase. Workers also raised concerns about medical care, health insurance, first aid and the presence of a doctor at the facility. These demands speak to the basic conditions under which thousands of Syrians are expected to work in an economy where transport, food, rent and healthcare have become unaffordable for many households.

LOUAI BESHARA / AFP
A Syrian woman sits near her grandchildren in a room of an unfinished building where she lives with her five children and their families in the Daf al-Sakhr neighbourhood of Jaramana on the outskirts of the Syrian capital Damascus.

The company, for its part, argued that it had complied with labour laws, registered workers in social insurance, paid salaries regularly and applied legally required wage increases. It also pointed to rising production costs, high energy prices, competition from imports and difficult financial conditions. These pressures are real. Many Syrian manufacturers are operating in a fragile economy, with weak demand, unstable supply chains, expensive energy and limited access to finance.

But hardship on the balance sheet does not settle the matter. A business model that survives by keeping workers below subsistence level is not sustainable. If wages cannot cover basic living costs, and if workplaces cannot provide minimum health and safety protections, the problem is not only a dispute between one company and its employees. It is a warning about the kind of recovery Syria is building.

How the government responded to the Zanobiya labour strike—through dialogue, not violence—sets a positive precedent.

Mediation, not repression

The most striking feature of the Zanobiya strike was not only that workers protested, but how they did so. They remained inside the company's facilities, framed their actions as legal and peaceful, appointed a representative to speak on their behalf, and demanded negotiations. Security personnel were reportedly present not to break the strike, but to protect the workers and ensure their right to peaceful protest.

The government's role was also notable. The Ministry of Social Affairs and Labour did not treat the strike as a security threat or an act of sabotage. It sent labour inspectors, involved the social insurance institution, brought in the Damascus and Rural Damascus Chambers of Industry, the General Federation of Trade Unions, company management, and worker representatives, and facilitated dialogue. The eventual agreement at Zanobiya, which included a wage increase and measures to improve workplace health and safety, delivered concrete results and allowed production to resume.

This was a positive precedent. It showed that labour disputes can be addressed through mediation rather than repression, and that the state can play a constructive role when it acts as a regulator rather than as an enforcer for employers. In the current Syrian context, that is not a small thing. A government trying to rebuild legitimacy after years of authoritarian rule needs to prove that it can protect social rights, not only impose order.

Reuters
Syrians shopping days after the fall of Bashar al-Assad's regime, Damascus, on 16 December 2024.

The sidelining of the unions is one of the most revealing aspects of the recent unrest. In theory, unions should be the first line of defence for workers: identifying grievances early, negotiating with employers, explaining legal rights and preventing disputes from reaching breaking point. In practice, many workers do not appear to see them as reliable allies. Some have turned instead to their own representatives or ad hoc committees. That is more than a procedural detail. It points to a deeper crisis of trust.

This distrust did not emerge overnight. For decades, unions in Syria were widely viewed less as independent representatives of workers than as extensions of the state. Their role was often to discipline labour, contain frustration and protect political stability. That legacy cannot be undone by placing union officials in mediation meetings or issuing statements about workers' rights.

If unions want to regain relevance, they will have to prove that they can stand with workers before strikes begin. They need to be present in workplaces, listen to grievances, negotiate transparently and challenge employers when rights are ignored. Without that, workers will continue to bypass them.

The implications are serious. If unions adapt, they could become an important pillar of social stability in the transition, helping to channel anger into negotiation before disputes escalate. If they remain passive or trapped in old habits, labour mobilisation will develop around them. That may make workers more assertive, but it could also leave disputes fragmented and harder to resolve.

The private sector is often presented as the engine of Syria's recovery. But recovery cannot be built on exploitative or humiliating labour conditions.

A test for recovery

The spread of protests from Zanobiya to other private-sector companies shows that these grievances are not isolated. The private sector is often presented as the engine of Syria's recovery. Investors are being courted, factories are expected to restart, and production is framed as a national priority. But recovery cannot be built on labour conditions that workers experience as exploitative or humiliating. If the new economic model asks Syrians to work more while their living standards continue to collapse, social tensions will deepen.

This is where the issue becomes political, even if the protests themselves are economic. Wages, working conditions and labour representation are part of the wider question of what kind of state Syria is becoming. Will the transition produce a system in which economic recovery benefits only investors and politically connected business networks? Or will it create enforceable rules that protect workers, regulate employers and give people channels to defend their rights?

The answer will matter far beyond Zanobiya, al-Hafez or Madar. More private-sector workers are likely to follow. The reasons are obvious: wages remain far below the cost of living, social protection is weak, inflation continues to erode incomes, and many companies still operate with limited accountability. Once workers see that collective action can produce results, the barrier to mobilisation falls.

Izettin Kasim / Getty
A vendor sells traditional Ramadan bread at a bazaar on the third day of Ramadan in Ariha, Idlib, Syria, on 13 March 2024.

That could become a source of instability if ignored. But it could also serve as a healthy form of social correction if managed properly. Labour protest is not inherently destabilising. The danger lies in forcing workers to choose between silence and escalation.

For that reason, the government should not wait for each dispute to explode. It needs to strengthen labour inspection, clearly enforce minimum wage decisions, ensure that private companies comply with health and safety obligations, and create reliable mechanisms for workplace complaints. Wage policy must also be more realistic. Raising the legal minimum means little if enforcement is uneven, if employers reinterpret it through allowances and exceptions, or if inflation wipes out its value within weeks.

A warning...and an opportunity

Employers also need to understand that old habits will not work forever. Dismissing workers' demands, delaying responses or relying on weak unions to contain frustration will only make disputes harder to manage. Companies facing real financial pressure should make their case transparently and negotiate phased solutions. But they cannot expect workers to carry the full burden of Syria's economic crisis.

In a country emerging from authoritarian rule and economic devastation, workers demanding better wages are not a threat to recovery.

The unions face an even harder test. They can either adapt to this new moment or become irrelevant. To adapt, they must stop acting as ceremonial institutions and start behaving like representative bodies. That means organising, listening, negotiating and, when needed, confronting. If they do not regain workers' trust, the new labour movement will develop without them.

The recent private-sector strikes are still limited. They do not yet amount to a national labour movement. But they are an early warning and an opportunity. They show that Syrian workers are beginning to use the expanded civic space to make social and economic demands, not only political ones. They also show that the state can respond through mediation rather than coercion.

That is the path Syria should protect. Labour protests should not be romanticised, but neither should they be feared. In a country emerging from authoritarian rule and economic devastation, workers demanding better wages and safer conditions are not a threat to recovery. They are a reminder that recovery has to include the people whose labour is supposed to sustain it.

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