Ansar al-Sunna has the markings of Iranian foul play

Cooperation between Iran and Sunni extremists has been exposed more than once. So, when a new terrorist group emerges in Syria, it is fair to question whether Tehran has a hand in it.

Ansar al-Sunna has the markings of Iranian foul play

In 2005, a series of bombings struck the Jordanian capital, Amman, killing dozens, among them the renowned Syrian filmmaker Mustafa Al-Aqqad. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility. However, a US court later issued a ruling in absentia, condemning the Syrian regime for orchestrating the attacks through its military intelligence services.

In 2009, Baghdad was rocked by a wave of bombings that left more than 155 people dead. The Islamic State of Iraq claimed responsibility, but Nouri Al-Maliki’s government again accused Bashar al-Assad’s regime of involvement and called for an international investigation. The episode triggered a diplomatic crisis between Iraq and Syria, two regimes aligned within the Iranian axis.

And who can forget Abu Adas and the videotape released on 14 March 2005, in which he claimed responsibility for the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri?

Cooperation between Iran and al-Qaeda has been exposed more than once. Iran has repeatedly served as both a launchpad for the group’s operations and a safe haven for its leaders. In 2021, former US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo declared that Iran had become “the new operational headquarters of al-Qaeda”.

Yet do these incidents mean that the ideology and operations of al-Qaeda and IS are solely the handiwork of states whose interests intersect with those groups? Certainly not. Without the existence of this extremist ideology—and without the social and political conditions that nourish it—these groups would not have lasted for so long.

Iran has repeatedly served as both a launchpad for al-Qaeda operations and a safe haven for its leaders

Enter Ansar al-Sunna 

Since the fall of the Assad regime, a new group has emerged in Syria under the name "Saraya Ansar al-Sunna". It has claimed responsibility for a number of killings targeting Alawites in the coastal region and in the countryside of Hama. Although its founding statement asserted that its mission was to strike remnants of the regime among "Nusayris and Rafidah", and that its formation was a response to the new administration's leniency and reconciliation measures, the group later claimed responsibility for the suicide bombing that struck the Church of Mar Elias in the Damascus district of Dweila in June 2025. That attack, which targeted Christian worshippers and left dozens dead, contradicted the very rationale the group had proclaimed for its existence.

The group then disappeared for a time, only to resurface in late December with another attack—this time targeting worshippers at the Ali ibn Abi Talib Mosque in Homs, specifically in the predominantly Alawite neighbourhood of Wadi Al-Dahab.

Anyone reading the statements issued by "Saraya Ansar al-Sunna" will immediately notice their clumsy language. Yet the real question remains: who stands behind this group? Is it merely a cluster of Syrian extremists forged by 14 years of war? Does IS have a new disguise? Or are those who have been harmed by the fall of the Assad regime and Iran's departure from Syria trying to cloak themselves while they seek to destabilise the country?

Although the group has demonstrated the ability to commit significant security breaches, it remains in its infancy. Combating it—and the ideology that fuels it—is an urgent priority before Syria slips into the kind of vicious cycle of violence that gripped Iraq following the ouster of Saddam Hussein's regime.

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