In 2005, a series of bombings struck the Jordanian capital, Amman, killing dozens, among them the renowned Syrian filmmaker Mustafa Al-Aqqad. Al-Qaeda in Iraq claimed responsibility. However, a US court later issued a ruling in absentia, condemning the Syrian regime for orchestrating the attacks through its military intelligence services.
In 2009, Baghdad was rocked by a wave of bombings that left more than 155 people dead. The Islamic State of Iraq claimed responsibility, but Nouri Al-Maliki’s government again accused Bashar al-Assad’s regime of involvement and called for an international investigation. The episode triggered a diplomatic crisis between Iraq and Syria, two regimes aligned within the Iranian axis.
And who can forget Abu Adas and the videotape released on 14 March 2005, in which he claimed responsibility for the assassination of former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafik Hariri?
Cooperation between Iran and al-Qaeda has been exposed more than once. Iran has repeatedly served as both a launchpad for the group’s operations and a safe haven for its leaders. In 2021, former US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo declared that Iran had become “the new operational headquarters of al-Qaeda”.
Yet do these incidents mean that the ideology and operations of al-Qaeda and IS are solely the handiwork of states whose interests intersect with those groups? Certainly not. Without the existence of this extremist ideology—and without the social and political conditions that nourish it—these groups would not have lasted for so long.