Opinion

Events have shown that Israel's might has limits

Israel's aggression and territorial expansion have become a political, financial, and moral burden, as they have on its Western government allies, who find it increasingly difficult to defend

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Majed Kayali
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Events have shown that Israel's might has limits

Majed Kayali
last update on

Despite Israel’s overwhelming military, economic, and technological superiority in the Middle East, its ability to impose itself remains limited. For Tel Aviv, this is a recurring and ever-increasing problem. It cannot fully capitalise on the dominance it has achieved or translate its gains into definitive victories.

Israel may pack a punch, but it remains small, both in terms of size and population. It also remains heavily dependent on the United States for political, military, and economic support. Had it not been for this unwavering US backing, it would not have achieved what it has since October 2023, nor could it have withstood the human and economic losses, or weathered the storm of international condemnation.

The last two years have revealed, in stark detail, Israel’s reliance on—and subordination to—the United States. This has fuelled growing fears within Israel about the potential erosion of its independence, with decisions over war and peace effectively being made in the White House, including decisions relating to Israel’s status, the Palestinians, and the future of the Palestinian state.

Furthermore, Israel is not America’s only friend in the Middle East. Analysts have noted the rising influence of regional powers such as Saudi Arabia and Türkiye in shaping US strategy in the Middle East. The White House increasingly defers to Riyadh and Ankara on matters such as Gaza and Syria, within the broader context of a decline in Iran’s local influence. Might Israel one day be treated like any other Middle Eastern state by Washington?

A narrative that took Israel decades to build has coming crashing down in just over 24 months

Shifting dynamics

There are certainly difficulties in being seen to support a religious nation-state project that is increasingly showing itself as both racist and settler-colonial in nature, engaged in acts of genocide against another people. A narrative that took Israel decades to build has come crashing down in just over 24 months.

It can no longer present itself as a victim, given its policy of mass killing; it can no longer present itself as a democracy, when it continues its racist occupation against millions of Palestinians; and it can no longer present itself as an isolated state in a sea of hostile neighbours, because it has shown over the last two years that it is the aggressor, not just in Palestine, but in Lebanon, Syria, Iran, and Yemen. Increasingly mentioned in the same breath as apartheid South Africa, it is running out of hiding places.

For Jewish communities around the world, Israel's aggression and territorial expansion (in Gaza, Syria, and Lebanon) has become a political, financial, and moral burden, as it has on its Western government allies, who find it increasingly difficult to defend. Both at home and abroad, Israel is increasingly seen as a state that opposes international values, norms, and resolutions.

Israel's ongoing efforts to equate criticism of its actions with antisemitism are increasingly being seen as a threat to free speech

Limits of power

Furthermore, Israel's ongoing efforts to equate criticism of its actions with antisemitism—a tactic designed to shield it from accountability and responsibility—are increasingly being seen as a threat to free speech. In this and many other regards, the war that revealed Israel's might has also revealed the limits of its power.

Just as Israeli bombs reduce Gaza to rubble, so it has become clear that Israel cannot eliminate the Palestinian people or reduce support for them in Arab capitals. On the contrary, Israel's unchecked tyranny over the Palestinians has turned both states and individuals against Tel Aviv.

The problem for both the Palestinians and the wider Arab world lies in the deep-rooted dysfunction at home—the fragmentation of Palestinian politics and the weakness that runs through every sphere and institution. This state of decay, vulnerability, and disunity stymies all efforts to exploit Israeli contradictions and crises. In many ways, both the Israelis and Palestinians share an affliction, to the betterment of neither.

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