Trump-Xi meeting is about much more than trade

US and Chinese leaders have locked themselves into a downward spiral that goes far beyond tariffs, exports, and rare earths. This is about the future and who controls it.

AFP_Reuters_Al Majalla

Trump-Xi meeting is about much more than trade

When the leaders of the world’s two largest economies converge on South Korea for an Asia-Pacific summit later this month, it will be the first meeting between US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping since the former began his second term of office in January 2025.

Their meeting is highly anticipated because it represents a critical inflexion point for the world, not because of any hope that they will comprehensively resolve any big economic disputes between them, but because it will help determine whether US-China competition remains manageable or cascades into total economic warfare. The latter scenario would likely have no clear victor and be a zero-sum game, dragging the rest of the world in as collateral damage.

There is no end of headlines about the ‘US-China trade war,’ but the phrase ‘trade war’ suggests that this is a trade war like any other, one that weaponises tariffs and export controls, for instance. In fact, it is a generational struggle for technological supremacy and control of the global economic architecture, increasingly involving reluctant third countries.

The latest skirmish took place in the Netherlands on 13 October, when the Dutch government invoked a little-used law to seize control of Nexperia, a Chinese-owned Dutch-domiciled chipmaker, citing “serious governance shortcomings” that threatened European economic security. Just days earlier, the US Department of Commerce expanded export control restrictions to encompass all global subsidiaries of companies on its entities list. This now includes Wingtech, Nexperia’s Chinese parent.

The Netherlands said there was no pressure from Washington to seize the company and that the timing was coincidental, but China was unimpressed and responded by blocking Nexperia from obtaining Chinese-made products. Nexperia’s chips, which are used in the automotive and consumer electronics industries, are manufactured in Europe but packaged in China, leading to a standoff. This is what great power competition looks like when it becomes zero-sum. It is no different in principle from Trump’s imposition of hefty tariffs on Apple’s overseas production.

Brendan SMIALOWSKI / AFP
US President Donald Trump delivers remarks on reciprocal tariffs as US Secretary of Commerce Howard Lutnick holds a chart during an event in the Rose Garden entitled "Make America Wealthy Again" at the White House in Washington, DC,

Punch and counter-punch

How did we get here? Most analysts trace it to Trump’s proclaimed ‘Liberation Day’ earlier this year, when he announced a 34% reciprocal tariff on Chinese goods, layered atop an existing 20% tariff he had already imposed (ostensibly due to Chinese ingredients fuelling the fentanyl drug epidemic claiming thousands of American lives) and the tariffs already imposed on Chinese goods during his first term in office.

China imposed retaliatory tariffs of up to 84%, prompting Trump to raise incremental US rates to 125% on Chinese goods. In June, a tariff ‘truce’ was struck in London, with a framework stabilising tariffs at 55% for China and 10% for the US. In a sign of good faith, China approved the sale of the US version of the popular China-owned social media app TikTok to US investors.

But last month, problems re-emerged. On 12 September, the US expanded its notorious ‘entities list’ by adding 23 Chinese subsidiaries, including chipmakers and biotech companies.

On 9 October, China responded with sweeping new export controls on rare-earth minerals, expanding restrictions to 12 of the 17 elements. Foreign companies now require special approval to export products containing even 0.1% of rare earths processed in China, with most restrictions due to take effect on 1 December. Rare-earth magnets are crucial components in chips, F-35 fighter jets, Tomahawk missiles, and drones.

Reuters
A worker waters the site of a rare earth metals mine at Nancheng county, Jiangxi province, on December 29, 2010.

China knows that the US faces critical vulnerabilities in its industrial supply chains and is willing to use its control over rare earths as leverage at the negotiating table. Interestingly, China's new export controls make it only the second country (after the US) to apply the foreign direct product rule, a mechanism that the US has used since 1959 to restrict sales of foreign-made products incorporating US components.

Beijing has learned from and adopted Washington's strategic approach, applying extraterritorial controls with global reach, and the US's retaliation has been forceful. On 10 October, Trump announced an additional 100% tariff on Chinese imports "over and above" any tariff that China is currently paying, effective from 1 November. This would cement tariff rates above 150% on Chinese imports to the US.

The US also imposed port fees of $50 per net tonne on Chinese-owned or operated vessels starting on 14 October, rising to $140 by 2028. China responded with identical fees on US vessels. These measures could fundamentally restructure global shipping lanes and force international companies to re-align trade along geopolitical fault lines.

This is no typical trade war; it is a generational struggle for technological supremacy and control of the global economic architecture

Carrots and sticks

Not only are the underlying US-China trade disputes still unresolved, but the contagion is spreading, so all eyes are on Seoul at the end of October. If Trump and Xi aim only for a narrow tariff settlement while leaving rare-earth metals, technology, and broader export controls unresolved, there will be only a pause before renewed escalation, as both sides seek more leverage.

If any trade truce is achieved, China will likely announce a significant purchase of US products, anything from Boeing aircraft to American soybeans. Emulating the trade-negotiation style between the US and Japan or South Korea, China will likely pledge a significant investment commitment to the US, perhaps in exchange for the US opening the door to more Chinese students studying STEM subjects at US universities.

However, if no deal emerges and an incremental 100% tariff on Chinese goods takes effect on 1 November, the global economy will face systemic economic disruption, affecting supply chains. Shipping costs and consumer prices are likely to spike, adding to inflationary fears, while global equity markets dive as China slaps an expected reciprocal 100% tariff on US exports. This would lead to complete US-China trade decoupling, while China's implementation of rare-earth restrictions would affect Western weapons production and defence capabilities, thereby impacting the war in Ukraine.

If a more comprehensive framework can be struck that freezes the current tariff levels beyond an artificial 90-day extension while allowing more space for the US and China to establish clear boundaries on export controls, technology access, and rare-earth restrictions, it would signal that great power competition remains manageable.

This would require both Trump and Xi to prioritise stability over expedient political advantage, and herein lies a problem. All scenarios assume that these are two rational actors constrained by economic logic, but both men in fact operate within domestic political constraints that may override economic rationality.

Reuters
US President Donald Trump during a bilateral meeting with Chinese President Xi Jingping during the G20 summit in Osaka, Japan, July 29, 2019.

Risk of miscalculation

Trump, with tough mid-term elections coming up, may feel unable to give Beijing what it wants, such as allowing Chinese companies access to the most advanced US-made Nvidia chips, or lifting restrictions on Huawei's chip sales globally, or conceding the defence of Taiwan to the mainland. His voters are over-leveraged US consumers facing the prospects of a huge inflation spike and supply chain disruptions.

Meanwhile, Xi cannot return with concessions perceived as a surrender, given the Chinese Communist Party's internal dynamics and nationalistic public sentiment. In short, each leader has painted himself into a corner, where backing down carries greater political cost than escalating. Alas, Trump and Xi meet in Seoul not as negotiators seeking mutual advantage, but as competitors deciding how much pain each is willing to endure to win. Miscalculating each other's economic resilience or political stability is now a big risk.

The most troubling dimension of the US-China negotiation in Seoul is not what these two leaders might do to each other, but rather what will happen to the countries forced to choose between them. Nations throughout Asia, Latin America, and Europe would rather trade with both the US and China, but may soon face an impossible dilemma: access to US technology and markets or to China's raw materials and manufacturing.

This Cold War-style choice between one or the other would place the greatest strain on the developing world, which desperately needs both affordable Chinese products and capital, as well as US markets and technology. They, like the rest of the world, also want to know that the global economic system within which everyone currently operates is likely to remain in place. That is just one of the many unanswered questions.

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