Morocco’s Gen Z takes to the streets demanding change

Protests led by young Moroccans have caused shudders across a normally stable political establishment. The billions being spent on stadiums could be better spent on hospitals, they say.

Demonstrators lift placards during a youth-led protest demanding reforms to public healthcare and education at Mohamed V square in Casablanca on October 6, 2025.
Abdel Majid BZIOUAT / AFP
Demonstrators lift placards during a youth-led protest demanding reforms to public healthcare and education at Mohamed V square in Casablanca on October 6, 2025.

Morocco’s Gen Z takes to the streets demanding change

A lot seems to be riding on a speech by Morocco’s King Mohammed VI before politicians on Friday, to mark the opening of a new legislative year, as protests that began at the end of September show little sign of abating. The king will address the Houses of Representatives and Councillors to kickstart the last legislative year before general elections in 2026, which will usher in a new government. Not a moment too soon, suggest many of the mainly young protesters.

They have taken to the streets in towns and cities across the country over successive nights in their thousands, demanding political and economic reforms—not least in health, education, and employment. Some ministers are sympathetic, but Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch has said dialogue—not protests—is the way forward. The demonstrators are calling for a reassessment of public policy programmes.

Despite an average economic growth rate of 4%, young demonstrators say they have seen little benefit from this in the areas that matter most to them. Although the country is investing in modern infrastructure, the unemployment rate has climbed above 12%. Moreover, the focus of that infrastructure investment—such as a reported $5bn spent on a giant new football stadium in preparation for Morocco's co-hosting of a major tournament in 2030—has enraged the youth, who want the money to be spent on hospitals and schools instead.

Protests have been held in several Moroccan cities under the slogan: “The people want to bring down corruption.” They are being led by an anonymous and previously unknown youth movement called Gen Z-212, short for Generation Z, the nickname given to people born roughly from the mid-1990s to the early 2010s. Protests are organised on social media platforms, such as Discord, Instagram, and TikTok. Gen Z-212 has more than 160,000 Moroccan followers on Discord.

The protesters are typically aged 15-28, and most protests have been peaceful. Among the chants are “No World Cup, health comes first” and “We want hospitals, not football stadiums”. Those protesting are generally tech-savvy, have no declared political, ideological, or religious affiliation, and are deeply engaged with issues such as education, healthcare, the environment, social justice, and global peace.

AFP
A youth-led demonstration demanding improvements in the health and education sectors takes place in a market in Rabat on September 29, 2025.

Going global?

Indeed, the movement itself may be going global. Recent protests in Nepal were also organised by Generation Z, and a similar group (Gen Z-213) has now emerged in Algeria. The largely peaceful nature of the protests (with some exceptions) and the fact that demonstrators call for reforms, rather than upheaval, stands in stark contrast to the Arab Spring movements of 2010.

Morocco's Gen Z-212 said it "decided to move from the digital realm to the streets" by "peacefully demanding improvements in public services in the health and education sectors, the creation of employment opportunities for the jobless, and stronger action against corruption and the prosecution of the corrupt". It has also called for affordable housing, lower prices for basic goods, and better public transport.

These demands draw support from those who feel excluded from the economic, social, and urban development that Morocco has experienced in recent years. Many hold successive governments responsible for the worsening condition of public education and healthcare services. One of the sparks appears to have been several deaths at a maternity hospital in Agadir, attributed to a lack of care and equipment.

Although officials were dismissed and pledges were made to establish a major new university hospital, public anger spread to other regions, which were also grappling with poor services and limited job opportunities. Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch's home region, Souss-Massa, is where the protests first broke out. His National Rally of Independents won in 2021, but the youth movements aim to kick him out next year.

Housing Minister Fatima-Zahra Mansouri, who is also Mayor of Marrakesh and leader of a government coalition partner, said: "The fact that young people have taken to the streets to protest the deterioration in health and education shows us, as government officials, that we have failed to fulfil our duties... There are undeniable problems. We have a shortage of 30,000 doctors. That cannot be resolved in a year or two."

Protesters demand political and economic reforms, not least in health, education, and employment. Some ministers are sympathetic

Observers note a growing divergence among the three governing parties: the National Rally of Independents, the Authenticity and Modernity Party, and the Istiqlal Party. Government spokesperson Mustapha Baitas said ministers were "open to dialogue with these young people and recognise the legitimacy of their demands," but said: "They must present concrete proposals for us to examine and act upon."

Gen Z-212 has ruled out dialogue at this stage. Some protesters call for "the government's resignation and its accountability". Although one political leader told Al Majalla that "such matters are determined by the constitution and fall within the prerogatives of the king and the judiciary," analysts think the government's silence during the protests was a tactical error.

Although most protests have been peaceful, there have been reports of casualties, injuries, and arrests, with police and private vehicles set ablaze, shops vandalised, and banks torched, with some looting. In the city of Koléa, near Agadir, three people were killed in clashes with the police after reports that a group tried to seize weapons and ammunition from a Royal Gendarmerie station during the night.

The Interior Ministry said officers had "managed the protest movement in a manner that ensures security, public order, and the safety of citizens and their property," while accusing some protesters of "sabotage, using bladed weapons, Molotov cocktails, and stones, which resulted in 263 injuries and the torching of 142 police vehicles".

The ministry has suggested that unnamed "hostile parties" have infiltrated the movement and "seek to tarnish Morocco's global image, disrupt its security and stability, undermine its development achievements, and prepare for internationally backed demonstrations in the kingdom in the coming weeks". Gen Z-212 strongly condemned any vandalism and distanced itself from the perpetrators, and announced that it would scale back its protests, limiting them in areas where drug use is known to be high.

AFP
A burning police car during a youth-led demonstration demanding reforms in the healthcare and education sectors in Salé on October 1, 2025.

Economic backdrop

Morocco is classified as an emerging economy with 'investment grade' status by the American credit rating agency Standard & Poor's. It has attracted billions of dollars in foreign direct investment in recent years and has emerged as a regional leader in the automotive, aerospace, and advanced technology sectors. Industry now contributes 29% to Morocco's GDP (gross domestic product), the highest share in Africa, but the protests show that the benefits are not being felt in a population of under 40 million.

Morocco is preparing to host the Africa Cup of Nations finals before the end of the year, and will co-host the 2030 FIFA World Cup with Spain and Portugal, so it is upgrading infrastructure, building luxury hotels and world-class stadiums, expanding high-speed rail networks, modernising airports, and buying dozens of new aircraft in anticipation of millions of fans and tourists.

Yet the kingdom still ranks poorly in human development, education, and healthcare. Poverty affects 6.8% of the population, mostly in rural areas. According to the High Commission for Planning, one in four Moroccans is illiterate, while 38% of rural women either never attend school or marry at a young age. Female participation in the labour force is just 20%, and many have no access to healthcare. Around 250,000 pupils drop out of school each year. An estimated 1.5 million young people are now without training, employment, or education.

One of the catalysts for the protests appears to have been several deaths at a maternity hospital in Agadir, attributed to a lack of care and equipment

Royal intervention?

Many of these problems are common across North Africa, but Morocco's citizens have greater scope to protest and demand social justice, with such rights guaranteed under the constitution. Indeed, King Mohammed VI has noted the country's social disparities, drawing attention to these in his Throne Day speech on 29 July. In it, he said he could not accept "a Morocco moving at two speeds".

He said: "Unfortunately, some areas—particularly in rural regions—still suffer from poverty and vulnerability due to a lack of infrastructure and essential services. This does not align with our vision of a modern Morocco, nor with our efforts to advance social development and achieve territorial equity. There is no place today or tomorrow for a Morocco moving at two speeds."

The king remains the ultimate arbiter in the deadlock between protesters and political leaders, and many expect a royal intervention in the coming days. The nature of that intervention could show the extent to which he sympathises with protesters' demands.

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