Kamal Jumblatt’s letter to Assad days before he was killed

The Druze leader, whose forces were winning Lebanon’s civil war, disagreed with Syria’s president over it. Now, Al Majalla publishes a letter he sent to Assad, aiming to put them on the same page.

Al Majalla

Kamal Jumblatt’s letter to Assad days before he was killed

On 2 March 1977, just nine days before his assassination, Lebanese politician and leader of the National Movement (NM) Kamal Jumblatt addressed a rare letter to Syrian President Hafez al-Assad, with whom he had held a tempestuous seven-hour meeting on the Lebanese civil war a year earlier. Sourced from Syrian archives, it reads as follows:


His Excellency, Dear Brother, President Hafez al-Assad,

Warm fraternal greetings,

We consider it our national duty to write to you concerning the issue of the South, which is escalating politically and morally with every passing day, perhaps more than it is militarily, unless the isolationists receive additional Lebanese fighters travelling to Israel via Jounieh, Beirut, and Cyprus. This is already taking place, and the military threat is growing if the isolationists are relieved of political and military pressure in other regions.

We believe that Israel’s objective, as conveyed to us through isolationist and international sources, is as follows:

1. To intensify and escalate the military and political challenge to the Arabs, particularly Syria, on Lebanese soil, thereby weakening any military initiative, stripping it of wider morale, and hardening the isolationists’ stance. This would make them even more resistant to the objectives behind Syria’s intervention in Lebanon, foremost among them preventing partition, advancing a political resolution, and forging a stronger and more lasting national bond between Lebanon and Syria.

2: To obstruct the continued efforts of Arab forces, particularly Syrian forces, in disarming the isolationists of heavy weaponry. This would enable the isolationists, once these forces withdraw, to resume their aggression against the nationalists and the Palestinians. You are well aware, Mr President, that arrogance and delusion have clouded the isolationists’ judgment after wrongly assuming that Syrian forces entered Lebanon solely to protect them. In their view, this intervention serves only to preserve their vast privileges.

3: To revive the hopes of this faction within the Maronite community who, both as individuals and as a group, are hostile to Arabism and harbour a specific, traditional and covert animosity towards Syria, aiming ultimately to compel the withdrawal of the Syrian army from Lebanon.

 Xavier BARON / AFP
Soldiers from the Syrian contingent of the Arab deterrent force in Lebanon, the "Green Helmets", take position in Beirut on November 15, 1976.

4: To thwart the implementation of any unification initiatives. The National Movement is currently facing a difficult period, left vulnerable following the entry of Arab forces. A significant portion of the southern population has lost morale due to displacement from areas surrounding Beirut, and due to the prevailing climate that now characterises relations between Syria on one hand, and the National Movement and the Palestinians on the other. This climate has directly obstructed the launch and continuation of military operations aimed at liberating the South. How can people support one another when they are surrounded?

5: By means of a Maronite mini-state in the South and a semblance of relative stability, Israel is preparing to deploy its military forces. Israel operates on the assumption, correctly, that the Arabs are growing accustomed to this Maronite initiative, one tied to Israel, at Lebanon’s southern frontier.

6: The isolationist Maronites, among them Bashir Gemayel, Sheikh Pierre Gemayel, Father Charbel (head of the Maronite Order), and Camille Chamoun, are all involved in executing this plan, under the protection of Israel. They stand to gain:

- The expulsion of Palestinians from the South

- The cessation of any guerrilla border activity

- The gradual depopulation of the South of Muslims and nationalist Christians, encouraging their emigration abroad and thereby diminishing their politically significant presence in Lebanon. This would obstruct nationalist demands for basic rights and preclude any meaningful political resolution, or at least frame such a resolution according to the Keserwan theory (originating from the Maronite Order’s heartland), which promotes pluralism, civilisational divergence, and Maronite political autonomy.

- Leverage against Lebanese nationalists, President Elias Sarkis, and the Syrians, thereby tying President Sarkis to the southern crisis. Should this phenomenon escalate, it would represent the most humiliating scenario Israel could impose upon the Arabs.

- The establishment of a quasi-independent Maronite entity in the South would let the isolationists negotiate a return to national unity on the basis of a federalist model, cantons, thus realising their earlier proposal for partition.

7: Should Israel succeed in establishing a Maronite entity in southern Lebanon, it will exploit that position to demand the full withdrawal of Syrian forces from Lebanon. Israel will not permit this entity to collapse until its demand is met and, if not, will intervene militarily to protect it by occupying part of the South.

Some wealthy Arab states are monopolising their oil resources instead of investing to help us resist Israeli aggression on Arab lands—from Syria to the Sinai

Kamal Jumblatt to Hafez al-Assad

This, we felt, was our duty to bring to your attention at a time when the Arabs are largely absent from the Lebanese arena. Certain wealthy Arab states are monopolising their financial and oil resources without considering the shared need to invest in the energies and capabilities of the confrontation states. These resources are essential not only to liberate our societies from underdevelopment but also to prepare for the coming battle and to resist Israeli aggression on Arab lands, including southern Syria, Palestine, and the Arab Sinai, which has regrettably become the Sinai of Moses, as described in the Torah.

My dear brother President, the genius of the Jews has united with the genius of Maronite isolationism. No one should underestimate the gravity of this alliance. For this reason, among others, we have consistently advocated for a decisive and early resolution of Lebanon's political and military struggle. There can be no political settlement without a military one, whether based on our approach or in a manner you consider appropriate.

We have never been warmongers. We both hold the Holy Qur'an and the Christian Gospel in reverence.

Fanatical movements cannot be repelled through prayer or appeasement. They are like serpents; one cannot trust them nor allow them to roam freely without first extracting their venomous fang. In this context, we recall the warm and fraternal relations that have long connected us with Your Excellency. It is this relationship that grants us the freedom to share with you the information at our disposal and what we know of the isolationist plot to dismantle the Lebanese cause and destroy the Palestinian future, amidst events instigated by Israel and American intelligence.

You will recall the information disclosed by one of our senior diplomatic allies regarding the preparation of the isolationist movement in Lebanon, which was reportedly funded with $350mn by the same intelligence services. In light of both past and present developments, we believe the following steps are critical to prevent the continuation of the conspiracy targeting southern Lebanon, the Lebanese state as a whole, and Syria:

Bernard ESTRADE / AFP
A Christian militiaman in Zgharta, a Christian Maronite locality in North Lebanon, on September 15, 1975.

- The complete disarmament of the isolationists of their heavy weaponry. We are convinced that this disarmament must be executed by Arab forces. These forces must not be misled by the isolationists' friendliness, flattery, or frequent visits to Damascus. Such gestures are calculated tactics designed to sow confusion and buy time while they dispatch fighters to the South to establish a buffer state. We believe that any further delay only serves to facilitate their plans. In the future, the weapons they stockpile will be turned against the Syrian presence in Lebanon, obstructing any national initiative or internal reform. The isolationists' ambitions have been reinvigorated by the current focus of Arab, and especially Syrian, forces on enforcing the Cairo Agreement.

- The application of firm pressure in all isolationist areas, while alleviating some of the pressure currently placed on nationalist areas and their residents. At this critical juncture, all efforts to settle scores must be deferred until the crisis is over. It is imperative that all parties rise to the level of historical responsibility. Let us unite in resisting this aggression, which poses a threat to everyone without exception.

- The mobilisation of Arab forces in areas that have witnessed waves of displacement, such as the suburbs of Beirut, Koura, and others. The most effective way to counter the current isolationist political momentum is by facilitating the return of approximately a quarter of a million Christian and Muslim citizens to their homes and places of work, particularly within the isolationist regions. This step would foster a general atmosphere that undermines the ideology of partition, civilisational divergence, and political secession.

- The return of all the displaced, despite the resistance and malice of the isolationists, will undoubtedly open the path to a political resolution. Our information suggests that Camille Chamoun, the Kataeb Party, and others are offering insubstantial pretexts to obscure what is taking place in the South. At times, they claim to be protecting southern Christians; at other times, they present developments in the South as mere pressure tactics on the government to facilitate the return of the displaced from Damour and Saadiyat. In reality, the isolationist scheme is one of deception, aimed at obstructing the return of the displaced to their homes and achieving the objective outlined at the beginning of this letter.

- Pressure must be exerted to reach a political solution, as such a resolution inherently draws strength from the adversary and compels him to make clear and practical commitments. It also reveals his true nature to the Arab world, where he maintains many friends and allies.

- President Elias Sarkis must be given full latitude and firm support to rebuild the army and security forces. The South has become a sword held by the isolationists over his head. They interfere even in the appointment or dismissal of a Director General, obstructing his authority at every turn. A stark example is Army Commander Hanna Saeed's declaration to his officers: "Let President Sarkis dare to dismiss me." Who, if not Israel, is behind the orchestration of the isolationists' agenda and their instructions?

We believe that Israel's objective is to obstruct Syrian forces from disarming the (Maronite) isolationists, so the latter can resume their attacks on Palestinians

Kamal Jumblatt to Hafez al-Assad

- There must be a reassessment of Syrian policy towards the National Movement. At the same time, the components and foundations of the Movement itself must be reviewed in light of the current deadlock to facilitate a viable solution.

- Close cooperation with the National Movement is imperative under a unified military command to build sufficient defensive capabilities, should a full confrontation with the isolationists become unavoidable. We do not discount the possibility of such a confrontation if the American-Israeli-isolationist plan succeeds. This scheme aims to pressure Syria into withdrawal within months while ensuring that no Lebanese army arises that is capable of defending the nationalist cause.

- Media censorship must be lifted, or at the very least, significantly reduced. National newspapers have played a crucial role in raising Arab public awareness of the Lebanese crisis. They have been an effective and influential force, placing pressure on Arab monarchs and presidents to act on national matters.

These are the concerns currently occupying our thoughts. This period was initially intended for us to focus on writing, publishing, and reflecting on the prevailing conditions and how to confront them. Yet the situation has deteriorated to such an extent that only cauterisation remains a viable remedy.

We frankly believe that Syrian forces must act with well-defined national pressure, firm and without delay. We may be mistaken in this assessment, but it is what sincerely and faithfully occupies our thoughts. We always benefit from the visits of our comrades and brothers to Damascus, as their journeys serve to clarify our thinking and bring perspectives closer together in light of developments and the isolationists' mentality.

National unity remains the cornerstone of resistance against the designs of Israel and American intelligence. At this pivotal moment in our history, and I stress, pivotal, it is vital that we remain united. There is little value in reflection after the horse has bolted.

Today, we are certain that these concerns weigh equally upon your national conscience, as you see Lebanon's interest as indistinguishable from Syria's. In the end, we are one people and one country, bound by a shared destiny across history, despite the wishes of the isolationists.

Please accept, Your Excellency, our warmest regards, sincere affection, and highest respect.

Your brother,

Kamal Jumblatt

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