What happened in Sweida? Al Majalla reveals grim testimonies

Al Majalla visits the Druze-majority governate, the scene of crimes allegedly committed at the behest of Damascus and speaks to citizens who relay the horrors they witnessed

A burned-out home in Sweida on 6 August 2025.
Shelly Kittleson
A burned-out home in Sweida on 6 August 2025.

What happened in Sweida? Al Majalla reveals grim testimonies

Sweida, Syria: The difference between a late December visit and one in early August to this southern Druze-majority city was stark, though the spark to the recent violence may have been months in the making.

What had been about an hour drive south from a Damascus outskirt over monotonous rocky flatlands until mid-July has become a torturous route requiring over four hours in a coach leaving early morning from the Druze-majority Jaramana outskirt of the Syrian capital.

Between the two visits were months of simmering tensions and agreements announced and then retracted. And then, on 12 July, criminal activity and tit-for-tat violence between the local Druze and Bedouin communities were followed by days of blood, corpses filling the streets, and confused panic online and off.

Though hundreds are believed to have been killed, the fact that few professional journalists were allowed in after the conflict started further stoked distrust as social media posts and influencers vied for views and emotion in an already tense atmosphere.

During a heatwave on 6 August, women carried their infants into the coach while young men crowded the steps when no seats were left: dozens returning despite what some call “a siege” on the city, albeit improperly, as both aid and individuals continue to come and go despite greater difficulty and time involved in doing so. On the return trip to the capital, I sat on the entrance steps of the coach due to a lack of available seats, near the driver, who was repeatedly soaking a towel in water in an attempt to keep cool enough to focus on the road.

The coach gave a wide berth to the western reaches of the Sweida province, both on the way to and back from the regional capital, still not stable three weeks after violent clashes broke out.

Having crossed through Daraa province separating Sweida from territory under Israel, and essentially approached Syria’s southern border with Jordan in its circuitous route, the coach headed for the southern checkpoints near Busra al-Sham, where first Syrian’s General Security (GS) forces conducted a cursory inspection, followed by essentially none at all at the local Druze militia checkpoint. Armed Druze men escorted me off the coach on the way back, however, and ordered that I show any photos taken during my visit.

Satisfied with the photos of property destruction, the armed militiaman told me to “be sure to publish them” and let me go.

Shelly Kittleson
Sweida on 6 August 2025

Killings and destruction of property that occurred largely in the second half of July have yet to be properly documented and investigated, but have nonetheless significantly impacted the new government’s image in the eyes of the West. Syrians are divided and find themselves largely without trusted professional media to turn to, as independent outlets seen as such are ever rarer.

On the bus back from Sweida, one Syrian journalist got on and asked whether anyone “would be willing to give an interview”. After one passenger told another that it was a Syrian TV correspondent, silence fell even among those willing to speak to me.

Despite the minority accounting for an estimated 3% or less of the population, the Druze have long garnered an outsized amount of reporting from Western media outlets due to the latter’s concern about potential fallout on the country’s minorities following the fall of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.

Amid the early days of the fighting between local Druze militias and local tribal factions, with government forces entering Sweida, early on 16 July, Israel bombed central Damascus, including defence ministry buildings just off the iconic Omayyad Square. The square is located essentially between two of the country’s most well-known luxury hotels.

Israel claimed to be protecting the Druze community despite many from the community vociferously rejecting the need or utility of such foreign “protection”.

The wreckage of one of the buildings facing onto the square now stands as a constant reminder to the multitudes of Syrians who pass by it daily that the country can be devastated easily by a neighbour too close for comfort; one that is also seen as the top supporter of forces under one of Sweida’s top Druze sheikhs, Hikmat al-Hijri.

Contested events

What happened on 16 July in Sweida—when government forces were briefly in the city, which had been out of government control since the 8 December toppling of the Assad regime—remains hotly contested, as does what exactly happened at a hospital there. A video released on 10 August, appearing to show an execution of one man by government forces, reportedly took place between 3 and 4 PM.

On 10 August, the UN Security Council issued a statement saying that it “strongly condemns the violence perpetrated against civilians (...) and calls on all parties to adhere to the ceasefire arrangement and to ensure the protection of the civilian population.”

The independent Syrian news site Zaman al-Wasl questioned BBC reporting in July on the killings in the same hospital, saying that “the hospital had already fallen under the control of armed Druze factions hours before the massacre took place”.

The men (takfiri gangs) took our money and gold. They told me they would kill either me or my son. In the end, they agreed to take my car instead and left us alone.

An elderly dentist from Sweida

"If, as the BBC claimed, the victims were locals from Sweida (Druze civilians), why were they buried secretly in mass graves—without funerals, condolences, or even published names? (…)The reality is: the victims were unidentified, many likely Bedouins or security personnel who were executed during the siege," and, according to "a Zaman Al-Wasl investigation dated 24 July, at least 134 bodies were buried across multiple hills, using methods disturbingly similar to the Assad regime's mass burials in Najha and Qatifa: layered burials, no names, no documentation, no medical or legal oversight."

References to Druze militia links to the former regime have in recent weeks become more frequent, especially after Hijri appointed several former high-ranking members of al-Assad's forces to key positions within his own local forces.

Meanwhile, the fact-checking website EEkadFacts noted on 26 July that by the end of the day prior to the alleged execution seen in the 16 July video, "Druze factions appeared to have established complete control over National Hospital Street" and that "in several self-recorded videos, fighters spoke openly about encircling General Security forces inside the hospital and issued explicit threats to eliminate them."

On 31 July, Syria's justice ministry appointed a seven-member committee with several highly experienced judicial experts to investigate the violence in Sweida with a three-month deadline for a report to be presented to the government on its findings.

Grim testimony

During my trip to the city, dozens of lorries carrying aid were seen waiting to be inspected along the road. The World Food Programme insignia marked some vehicles, while the Red Crescent one was on others.

On entering the city, the area near the bus stop was bustling, despite most streets being lined with shuttered shops.

In at least one western part of the city, I saw many burned homes. As I walked through the area, an elderly man who said that he was a dentist told me that "men came to my door and I opened it because I thought they were security forces. I thought they were there to keep me safe."

"But they were takfiri gangs," he claimed. "The men took money and gold from my wife and my son's wife. They told me they would kill either me or my son. In the end, they agreed to take my car instead and left us alone."

Shelly Kittleson
Sweida on 6 August 2025.

"This happened in hundreds of homes," he added. "They robbed houses and set fire to them. They took some families and killed them in the squares. They beheaded them."

Multiple reports claim executions took place by both Druze militants and tribal or government forces, both in the city and in the surrounding villages.

While inspecting burned buildings in the western part of the city on 6 August, I met Asaad Nasser, 55, a driving instructor who showed me his home and the damage wrought by what he claimed was either "government forces or people wearing similar clothes".

"They came to our home, broke our furniture. The next day we came back to the home and cleaned up, but there was an attack and we left at 1 AM. The following day, we came back, and then our home was entirely burned," he said, accompanying me through the stately three-story home now charred black with shards of glass everywhere.

A few kilometres away, I spotted smoke rising in the distance to the west, beyond the limits of the city.

"That part of the countryside is out of our control," a man nearby said, gesturing into the distance at where the grey smoke was.

"They're probably burning homes or crops," he claimed, implying he was referring to tribal forces. "There are still many corpses rotting in the sun between here and there. But it's too dangerous to go."

In another nearby area, I spoke to people inside what had been a humanitarian aid depot, according to city residents.

"As you can see, there are Red Crescent vehicles here. They hit this wall, the fire spread and caused the destruction you see. We put a burned car there to cover the hole in the wall," one said, adding pointedly in answer to who he thought shot the rocket that "we don't have rockets."

Shelly Kittleson
Sweida on 6 August 2025.

I spoke to a 55-year-old healthcare professional from Sweida who feared giving his name after bringing his family to the capital. "Of course there were killings of innocent people, we've seen the videos even if we didn't see it with our own eyes", he said, adding that the reason he left was that there is "no water, no food. There are so many internally displaced people from the villages in the city now. In all the villages west of Sweida there is no life".

"There is no future there," he said, emphasising that he has "no links with politics."

"We know nothing about it. We just want to leave Syria."

He said that he felt safer in Damascus now than in Sweida, but was still concerned that the fact that his ID says that he is from Sweida and that he is Druze might create problems in the future, and that he would thus seek a way to leave the country as soon as possible.

Plans and power struggles

In late December, only weeks after the fall of the Assad regime, I accompanied a delegation of Sunni Arab sheikhs and other community figures from eastern Syria to meet with both Sheikh Hikmat al-Hijri at his hilltop Qanawat guesthouse northwest of the city of Sweida and the much younger Druze sheikh Laith al-Balous at his much more basic Karama guesthouse. 

Shelly Kittleson
Photo taken on December 29, 2025.

Even then, it was clear that tensions might be brewing between tribal groups and some Druze factions, with the latter clearly in communication with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) "occupying" the home territory of many of the tribal figures present.

A foreign researcher widely seen as being very close to the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) was waiting alongside al-Hijri to welcome the delegation when the convoy of cars arrived, leading to some members of it becoming nervous. They had, prior to setting off from Damascus, asked that I (the only journalist granted permission to accompany them) not take photos of specific individuals who had travelled secretly from SDF-held areas, as they were concerned that they may face arrest by the SDF on returning to the areas east of the Euphrates River.

Dozens of arrests have been recorded since 8 December of local Arabs expressing support for the Damascus government, while the SDF's stranglehold on media prevents adequate reporting on the area under its control from the ground.

Media restrictions have, in recent months, increased in Damascus as well. As of the first week of August, the standard two-day wait for press permission from the Ministry of Information to enter Daraa and Sweida turned into many days of waiting. Members of the international aid community here since prior to the fall of the Assad regime complained to me that "the culture of permits" and bureaucratic waste of time has worsened under the new government, for reasons unclear to them.

Meanwhile, on 7 August, the Syrian Arab Red Crescent (SARC) issued a statement saying that it had withdrawn an aid convoy provided by the SDF-registered Mesopotamia Relief and Development Organisation after the latter refused to offload the items on its trucks to be reloaded onto SARC's own trucks. The NGO lorries then returned to al-Hasakah.

The following day, SARC said that it had been "directly targeted by gunfire" as "part of its humanitarian response in the southern region", adding that "several vehicles sustained damage".

Also on 8 August, a conference held in SDF-held territory with a number of tribal sheikhs and Druze and Alawite clerics sparked criticism. One of the Druze clerics thanked Israel, while one tribal leader seated in the front row left after al-Hijri—who he called a "traitor Israeli agent"— started speaking. Multiple observers noted that the avowedly secular SDF opted for elderly religious men to "represent" their communities.

Social media
The "Unity of Position" conference, held by the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in Hasakah on August 8, 2025.

Read more: Heading for a showdown? SDF conference riles Damascus

Orchestrated violence?

Some question whether the violence in Sweida in general might have in some way been orchestrated to keep this southern province out of the hands of the government in Damascus and ensure that the Druze feel frightened and in need of a "protector".

One Iraqi official, for example, told me in recent months that he believed Israel would seek to "get control over the Syrian border with Iraq" through the SDF in northeastern Syria and Druze forces in the southern part of the country.

Others have noted that drug smuggling is common in the province and that, were the central government to get control over it, some powerful people may stand to lose significant income. Sweida does not have an official border crossing with Jordan. On 31 July, Jordan reported intercepting at least three drug smuggling attempts from the province, two of which involved heavy-lift balloons and the other a drone.

The feeling that Sweida is being used as a pawn in the games of powerful men aligned with foreign countries is a common sentiment voiced by Syrians.

So is the fear of many families from Sweida. On 6 August, one with multiple generations and several playful children was on my coach. When they got off just south of Damascus, a man roughly in his fifties waiting for them began sobbing when one of the little girls ran up to hug him. The women hugged and kissed me between tears as well.

The sense of relief was palpable, like that seen in and expressed by other families I spoke to after they arrived in Damascus: not entirely safe, but much better than where they had been.

However, if Damascus proves unable to convince Western countries that it is able to stabilise the entire country and investigate alleged abuses by its forces, very tough times may lie ahead for much of the rest of Syria as well.

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