Politics

For Turks and Kurds, a decades-long fight may be nearing an end

The burning of weapons from the banned PKK group of armed Kurdish separatists after members voted to dissolve it could be the closure some need. But will the door stay closed?

Reuters

A mother holds a picture of her daughter, Fadima, who is believed to have joined the PKK in the south-eastern Turkish city of Diyarbakir. The group has now voted to dissolve itself. Will it lead to peace?

For Turks and Kurds, a decades-long fight may be nearing an end

Omer Onhon

last update on 15 Jul 2025

With the world watching Ukraine, Gaza, Iran, and Donald Trump’s economic policies, it is easy to miss what is going on in Türkiye, where the issue of Kurdish separatist terrorism may be coming to a head.

A big moment came in February 2025 when Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned founder and leader of the terrorist PKK, called on the group to lay down its arms and dissolve itself, joining the political process instead.

Öcalan, now in his 70s, has been imprisoned on Imralı island in the Sea of Marmara since 1999, but still has influence on the PKK, which has waged a 47-year campaign costing tens of thousands of lives. That influence was in evidence on 1 March, when the PKK announced a ceasefire, and in May, when it convened its 12th congress and voted to dissolve itself.

Cauldrons and caves

On 11 July 2025, 30 PKK members arrived at the Casene Cave, 50km west of the northern Iraqi city of Sulaymaniyah, to attend an official ceremony, with security provided by the Kurdish Regional Government. Among the 250 invitees were officials from the Iraqi government, the Iraqi regional Kurdish administration, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), the pro-Kurdish DEM Party of Türkiye, human rights groups, diplomats, and journalists. Turkish intelligence officers were also reported to be present.

After brief speeches, the PKK militants placed their weapons—including AK 47 automatic rifles and rocket launchers—into a cauldron set up at the ceremony site and burned them. It was symbolic, but important. Much is at stake. In 2013, an attempt was made to reach a Türkiye-PKK peace agreement, but it failed, triggering a period of bloody clashes between Turkish security forces and PKK, with many DEM politicians dismissed and imprisoned for ‘supporting terrorism.’

The recent reconciliation process began in October 2024 when Devlet Bahçeli, an ally of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and leader of the Nationalist Action Party (MHP), called for an end to the war. It surprised everyone, because Bahçeli and MHP have been the most fiercely opposed to the PKK. From his prison cell, Öcalan responded positively.

There followed numerous meetings, some public, some not, involving representatives of the Turkish state, Öcalan, Syrian parties, and top officials of the Kurdish regional government in northern Iraq. Americans were also reportedly involved. On the Kurdish side, a delegation composed of DEM parliamentarians engaged in the talks.

Slowly building trust

Few doubt that the symbolic ‘laying down of arms’ ceremony at Casene Cave is the beginning, not the end. Many challenges lie ahead. Trust has yet to be established, as demonstrated by the location of the ceremony. The countryside of Sulaymaniyah in the area of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) is close to Qandil, a PKK base.

PKK militants placed their weapons into a cauldron at the ceremony site and burned them. It was symbolic, but important

The burning of the weapons was an impressive public display and first step, but the PKK still has a huge inventory of weapons, which they are more likely to store safely, or transfer to the YPG, an armed Syrian Kurdish group. Furthermore, while the PKK may have dissolved itself, it has not disappeared.

Öcalan said the Kurds' main goal—recognition of the Kurdish issue—had been achieved, so a strategy of war now became a strategy of politics. Yet there are many unknowns. For instance, what has Türkiye offered in return for the PKK disbanding and laying down its arms? Turkish officials repeatedly say they do not negotiate with terrorists and do not negotiate on the state's fundamental principles.

In a speech after the ceremony, PKK member Bese Hozad said that constitutional and legal arrangements are the most important issue now. Yet a big gap between PKK expectations of PKK and Turkish deliverables could lead to serious problems along the line, perhaps even bringing the process to a halt. For now, though, there seems to be momentum.

Setting out next steps

A commission is soon to be established in the Turkish Parliament. Erdoğan said the commission would work on the "legal requirements of the process". It will be open to all parliamentary parties, but it is not yet clear whether opposition parties will participate. The Turkish public have concerns and dislikes, but they are ready to play along, if it means an end to the PKK and terror. If it means the PKK and its allies start trying to impose excess demands, however, the mood will likely shift.

The new constitution will be an important test, as will be the question of whether Abdullah Öcalan is released, and whether there will be an amnesty for the PKK, which is considered a terrorist organisations not only by Türkiye but also of the United States and the European Union. If progress continues, the PKK may soon be removed from these lists, and imprisoned PKK members—as well as former DEM Party chairman Selahattin Demirtaş—will be released.

There is also the Syrian dimension. Armed Kurdish groups in Türkiye and Syria have ties and connections, despite their claims to the contrary. Syrian Kurdish groups and the new authorities in Damascus have so far failed to reach an agreement on details and implementation of the 10 March Agreement signed by President Ahmed Al-Sharaa and SDF leader Mazloum Abdi.

Some in Türkiye suspect that PKK militants will simply take their weapons and join their Syrian counterparts, who are seen as no less of a threat from Ankara. So, although the PKK has disbanded it may not yet be 'problem solved'. For the time being, that is not the spin from the Turkish government, which says that PKK terrorism is now over, and the rest will be solved through democratic means.

Türkiye's wider context

Two decades ago, on 12 August 2005, Erdoğan said in a speech in Diyarbakir that the Kurdish problem would be solved within the framework of the constitutional order "with more democracy, more law, and more prosperity". Yet today, much of the Turkish public thinks his government has in fact weakened democracy, installing a more authoritarian regime.

Some in Türkiye suspect that PKK militants will simply take their weapons and join their Syrian counterparts

In the local elections of 31 March 2024, opposition party CHP inflicted a major defeat on Erdoğan's AKP, winning 35 out of 81 provinces, including the three largest cities of Istanbul, Ankara and Izmir. In post-election statements, Erdoğan signalled that CHP would find it difficult to run the municipalities it won.

A year later, a nationwide campaign against CHP led to the arrest of 13 of its mayors, including Istanbul Metropolitan Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu, on charges of corruption and extortion. İmamoğlu's arrest came just hours before he was due to be confirmed as the next CHP presidential candidate. CHP says these arrests are political, with CHP leader Özgür Özel saying developments in the Kurdish peace process are overshadowed by attacks on CHP and Turkish democracy.

Needing a political win

A major factor driving Erdoğan's push for the process with PKK is his search for fresh support pools both inside and outside parliament, to give him enough votes and popularity to amend the constitution, allowing him to run for another term. Peace with the PKK would be seen as a major victory, yet its economic performance will perhaps be the defining issue, alongside questions of democracy and freedoms.

The day after the disarmament ceremony, Erdoğan spoke at the AKP's annual consultative meeting. With PKK disarmament, he said, the scourge of terrorism will come to an end, letting Türkiye redirect its energy to what he calls "the Türkiye century". Rather than call it a "peace process," he called it a "terror-free Türkiye process," adding that it was not the result of a bargain or give-and-take deal.

Erdoğan stressed the historical brotherhood between Turks, Kurds, and Arabs, and their common Muslim identity—a reference that will have different connotations for different groups. He also touched upon the issue of armed Kurdish groups in Syria and, most importantly, democratic practices in Türkiye in general. Again, the difference between expectations and deliverables may yet prove vital.

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