Relations between Lebanon and its far larger neighbour Syria have long been complex and tense, with various crises over recent years. Analysts have suggested that one of the reasons is the lack of a properly defined and mutually agreed border that is policed effectively.
Border issues have long been a running sore between the two, whose leaders have seldom seen eye-to-eye. The nadir in relations arguably came in 2005, when former Lebanese Prime Minister Rafic Hariri was assassinated weeks after receiving threats from Syrian President Bashar al-Assad.
The furore led to the permanent exit from Lebanon of Syrian soldiers, based there since 1976 at the start of the Lebanese civil war, when the Syrian army entered under the auspices of the Arab League, ostensibly to stabilise the country.
Some in Syria still refuse to accept that Lebanon is an independent and fully sovereign state (despite Lebanon having gained sovereign independence before Syria), and their history is largely one of Syrian interference in Lebanese affairs.
Years of meddling
Under President Hafez al-Assad (Bashar’s father and predecessor), Syria imposed full political and military control over its smaller coastal neighbour, controlling key government positions and directly intervening in the appointment of Lebanese presidents and prime ministers.
In 1998, Syria forced the election of the unpopular Emile Lahoud as president. Six years later, Syria forced the Lebanese parliament to amend the constitution to extend Lahoud’s term. Hariri angrily opposed it, leading to Assad’s threats and Hariri’s subsequent killing in a powerful bomb blast.
It prompted unprecedented protests in Lebanon. Dubbed the ‘Cedar Revolution,’ hundreds of thousands took to the streets demanding the withdrawal of Syrian forces, who they accused of killing Hariri. This pressure, both from the Lebanese street and the international community, finally kicked Syria out.
From 2005, it instead influenced events through its allies, who formed the March 8 Alliance led by Hezbollah. Several politicians and intellectuals who led the uprising against the Syrian regime were assassinated. In the eyes of many, Syria was still seeking to destabilise Lebanon’s security and stability.
With the outbreak of the Syrian revolution in 2011, divisions within Lebanon deepened after Hezbollah intervened militarily to help the Syrian regime. This led to deadly confrontations in Tripoli between opponents and supporters of al-Assad. Yet even as Syria descended into its own civil war, Damascus continued to meddle in Lebanon.
New opportunities
When Idlib-based Islamist fighters swept through Syria, defeating its retreating army over just two weeks in November/December 2024, al-Assad fled. This was celebrated in both Lebanon and Syria. A regime that had abused and undermined the security and capabilities of both countries had been toppled.
Shortly after, Lebanese politicians were finally able to decide on a president, filling a longstanding vacancy. He, in turn, promptly appointed a prime minister, while in Damascus, an interim president and government began to offer stability. Suddenly, both states dreamt of a new chapter and normal relations.
The new leaders in both capitals have several unresolved issues to work through first—not least the ongoing dispute over the land border demarcation. This is an emotive subject, with two instances of armed clashes on Lebanon’s eastern border with Syria since al-Assad’s downfall, most recently in late March.
The porous 375km border has long been a source of tension, with illegal crossings often used to smuggle people, illicit goods, drugs, weapons, and looted items, with recent clashes reportedly being between security forces and smugglers. Although accounts vary as to who was behind the violence, the seriousness prompted swift diplomatic intervention from Saudi Arabia and France.
Help from abroad
In late March, high-profile meetings took place in Paris and Jeddah, including Lebanese President Joseph Aoun, French President Emmanuel Macron, and Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa, who dialled in. From Paris, the trio discussed the land border and its demarcation. This was followed by a five-way summit that included Cypriot President Christodoulides and Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis.
In his statement, President Aoun later “stressed the need to benefit from French assistance in finding a swift solution to the return of displaced Syrians to their homeland, so they may live with dignity”. In its own statement, Damascus noted “joint efforts to combat terrorist organisations, particularly armed militias”.
Everyone underlined "the necessity of strengthening security coordination and cooperation to ensure the safety of the shared border", but each party clearly has its own priorities. Paris subsequently published a roadmap, expressed support for the demarcation of Syria's maritime borders and respect for Syria's sovereignty, and backed efforts to deter violations and interference from foreign actors.
The Paris summit followed an agreement in Jeddah between the defence ministers of Lebanon and Syria which led to the creation of a "mechanism for coordination and dispute resolution" between the two countries. This meeting, sponsored by King Salman and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, was aimed at coordinating and enhancing security and military cooperation between Lebanon and Syria.
Saudi sponsors
A source within the Lebanese government told Al Majalla that Riyadh was "particularly concerned with border control and the prevention of smuggling, especially (the drug) Captagon," adding: "Its involvement will serve as a crucial guarantee to resolve a dispute that has lingered for years."
During President Joseph Aoun's visit to Saudi Arabia in early March, he requested Saudi assistance in the border demarcation process. Riyadh agreed to oversee it and facilitate discussions on the border. Sub-committees were then assigned to explore specific aspects, such as the legal and security issues.
Lebanon wants coordination mechanisms to address security and military challenges and to prevent any clashes or encroachments. The Lebanese government source noted that some "may be negatively affected by any Lebanon-Syria understanding, or the positive development in their relationship".
While these parties may be "working to disrupt it", the source added that Lebanon and Syria shared a "commitment to prevent any deterioration and to continue coordination between the Lebanese and Syrian armies to maintain security and stability, as well as to completely address the issue of smuggling".
A century of woe
Aoun and al-Sharaa inherit an issue that is both thorny and historic. Questions over the border date back to the period of the French Mandate (1920-46), which divided the region into administrative entities. Greater Lebanon was established by annexing lands from historical Syria, including the Bekaa valley and Tripoli, to the Mutasarrifiya of Mount Lebanon, but the borders were not drawn clearly or definitively.
Instead, the border was managed through temporary administrative decisions. After both countries gained independence, they formed joint committees to demarcate the borders, but political disputes and external interference led to a breakdown. As a result, the land border featured a 50km zone controlled by criminals and gangs, while the other 325km was either defined by nature or covered by agreements.
In February, the new Syrian authorities said they had now full control of the border, having combed the area and taken over the villages of Akoum, Hawek, Wadi al-Hourani, and nearby hills, following several days of clashes with smugglers.
Mohammed Nasser al-Din, a Lebanese citizen who lives in the Hermel border area, told Al Majalla that the border was previously controlled by the Syrian army's Fourth Division, led by Maher al-Assad (Bashar's brother). "The Fourth Division made decisions on smuggling operations," he said.
