Totalitarian states are nothing but shaky edifices. Ask Syria

Despots do not build states to last; they build states to serve them. When they leave, the house comes tumbling down. Syrians have a lot of rebuilding to do.

Totalitarian states are nothing but shaky edifices. Ask Syria

When Bashar al-Assad disappeared from Syria in early December, so too did all the norms, apparatus, charters, and institutions that made up the ‘Syrian state’ in the modern era.

In its long history, the Syrian state has witnessed numerous events that have caused the political system to collapse entirely. Yet, the structural framework of the state has always remained steadfast, healthy, and vital, adapting to each new political order.

In its early years, Syria experienced a French mandate, successive military coups, integration with another country (Egypt), and a fierce regional war (against Israel). Throughout, there were radical changes to the constitution, political orientation, and economic policies of the ruling authorities, but the core structure of the state endured.

The army did not collapse, judges continued their work, governors operated without constitutions, police stations remained open, and Syria’s central bank continued operating. Politicians may have fled or switched allegiances, and national symbols like the flag may have changed, but the state’s essential framework did not.

Irreparable rupture

Not so now. When Assad flew to Russia, all that disintegrated. When he disappeared, so too did Syria’s authoritarian system. This includes everything associated with the Syrian state—its army, police, judiciary, border guards, intelligence service, and civil service. It also includes Syria’s constitution, its public order, symbolic and material authority, and the social contract.

This represents a deep dismantling of the state’s institutional structure, which evaporated like ice flakes in boiling water. That iron-fisted police state, those rigid strategies, the resistance narratives—all were shown to be simply tools. Without Assad, they lost their meaning, value, authority, and credibility. Without him, they lacked definition, form, or independence. In other words, they were not built to last.

When Assad fled, there was a deep dismantling of the state's institutional structure, which evaporated like ice flakes in boiling water

Non-totalitarian states have independent and self-sustaining institutions, founding charters that define the relationship between power and society, professional service agencies that are equidistant from all citizens, and healthy relationships among these elements. Totalitarian regimes operate differently. They adapt all state elements to the whims and interests of the leader.

Pulling the pin out

The totalitarian model is innately fragile. It is so heavily centralised that when the central, personal authority collapses, so does everything else tied to it, as if in a line of dominos. This dependency underscores the ephemeral nature of such regimes, leaving no enduring state structure. Institutions crumble and relationships disintegrate. 

Within moments of Assad's flight, the Syrian regime appeared stripped of everything: its supporters, its army, its auxiliary armed groups, its regional alliances, its economic clients, and the elites that once comprised its decision-making centre. 

The totalitarian model is fragile. It is so heavily centralised that when the personal authority collapses, so does everything else tied to it, like dominos

It had no genuine support, endeared no genuine loyalty, conjured no spiritual attachment. Those nodding along in the Court of Assad did so for personal gain. After he fled, they disowned their past allegiances with lightning speed. 

The more totalitarian the state, the more it disintegrates once the pin is pulled. Libya under Muammar Gaffafi was more totalitarian than Tunisia under Zine El Abadine Ben Ali, so while the Libyan state collapsed after Gaddafi's fall, the Tunisian state, though shaken, persisted after Ben Ali's departure. Likewise, Egypt under Hosni Mubarak was only a semi-totalitarian regime, so when he left power, the state could recover. 

Despots do not build states to last; they build states to serve them. When they leave, the house comes tumbling down. Syrians have a lot of rebuilding to do.

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