Rather than extend a hand, Netanyahu rains of Syria’s parade

Joyous at Iran’s lost influence in Syria, Israel could have celebrated with Syrians after Assad’s ouster. Instead, it rained bombs down, occupied land, and destroyed Syrian assets. Why? Ask Netanyahu

A Syrian man looks towards an Israeli tank positioned in the Syrian town of Madinat al-Baath, in the UN-patrolled buffer zone in the annexed Golan Heights on 20 December 2024.
Bakr Alkasem / AFP
A Syrian man looks towards an Israeli tank positioned in the Syrian town of Madinat al-Baath, in the UN-patrolled buffer zone in the annexed Golan Heights on 20 December 2024.

Rather than extend a hand, Netanyahu rains of Syria’s parade

It seems like an aeon ago when I thought I was on the verge of mediating peace between Israel and Syria.

It was the first week of March 2011. I was serving as a deputy in George Mitchell’s US State Department. He had been appointed Special Envoy for Middle East Peace, and my job was to try to find a way to make peace between Israel and Syria, so I had been shuttling between Jerusalem and Damascus.

My peace-making mission was coming to an end, and I had solid commitments from both sides that seemed to clear the path for a treaty that would break Syria’s military relationships with Iran, Hezbollah, and Hamas.

In return, Israel would gradually withdraw from all land taken from Syria during the June 1967 War and American sanctions on Syria would be lifted as Damascus implemented its treaty obligations. Alas, that hope would vaporise in the coming weeks, as Syrian President Bashar al-Assad chose to prioritise the mass murder of his own people.

Achieving Israeli aims

What brings this diplomatic near-miss to mind (if that is what it was) is the military campaign that Israel has waged in Syria in the days after Assad’s abrupt departure for Moscow in the early morning hours of 8 December. This signalled a massive upgrade for the security of Israel, the kind envisioned back in 2011.

With jarring totality, Iran’s effective suzerainty over Syria was swept away. For decades, Iran had used Syria as a highway to Lebanon to build Hezbollah into Iran’s front-line pressure point and deterrent against Israel. Indeed, for years, Tehran tried to turn Syria into a second front against Israel, to supplement that offered by Hezbollah in Lebanon.

Israel achieved in December 2024 what it sought to achieve diplomatically through American mediation in 2010-11: the end of Syrian military relationships that threatened its security.

With jarring totality, Iran's effective suzerainty over Syria was swept away. This signalled a massive upgrade for the security of Israel

The departure of Assad and of Iranian influence in Syria gave Israel a new diplomatic opportunity: to reach out publicly to the people of Syria, to congratulate them on their liberation, and to set the stage for bilateral relations in the future, relations that could perhaps one day lead to a formal peace. 

But like the opportunity that Assad had in 2011, this was spurned in favour of violence, when Israel launched an air campaign against Syrian military assets and moved to occupy Syrian territory in violation of the 1974 Agreement on Disengagement. Why? 

Bakr Alkasem / AFP
An Israeli soldier takes a position in the Syrian town of Jubata al-Khashab, in the UN-patrolled buffer zone in the annexed Golan Heights, on 20 December 2024.

Officially, Israel justified it as pre-emptive in nature, citing the Islamist character and terrorist background of Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), which dominates the emerging new administration in Damascus as a potential threat. Israel is not alone in questioning what HTS, a one-time affiliate of Al Qaeda, has in mind for Syria's future.  

Still, was it sensible for Israel to assume the worst about HTS and act accordingly? Are Israeli interests served by going to war pre-emptively against post-Assad Syria?

Saving Israel, or Netanyahu?

On 7 October 2023 Israel was woefully unprepared when Hamas launched its military assault and committed unspeakable crimes in communities in southern Israel. In time, Israel may officially determine the cause of that unpreparedness and hold accountable those who left thousands of Israelis at the mercy of murderers.  

To many Israelis, the principal culprit was Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. After all, he was charge. For years he had let Qatari money make its way to Hamas in the belief that Gaza's rulers would forsake terror for treasure. In the aftermath of 7 October 2023, Netanyahu appeared to many to be a (politically) dead man walking. 

Fast forward to today. Despite what happened then, and notwithstanding his legal woes, the PM is again dominating Israeli politics, having already blamed Israel's military for the unpreparedness that cost so many lives of 2023. Clearly, he wishes to remain PM for as far as the eye can see.  

After 7 October 2023, Netanyahu appeared to many to be a dead man walking. Today, he is once again dominating Israeli politics

The view here is that Israel's decision to make war on post-Assad Syria was driven, more than anything else, by Netanyahu's drive to survive and thrive politically. In part, that means him making sure that the unpreparedness in Israel's south in October 2023 is not repeated to Israel's north in December 2024, by doing to Syria what it now believes it should have done to the Gaza Strip before Hamas struck. 

The absence of any indicators of HTS aggression against Israel is neither here nor there. A statement of Israeli armed might was deemed essential, a decision facilitated by the powerlessness of the target.

Reactions and priorities

To their credit, Syrians—even the leaders of HTS—are doing their best to ignore Israel's assaults, as they celebrate the ouster of a kleptocratic mass murderer, while trying to find out what happened to tens of thousands of their relatives and friends who were seized, imprisoned, tortured, and in many cases killed by Assad's thugs.  

Shorn of an Assad presidency for the first time in decades, Syrians are trying to organise themselves to provide basic services and set parameters for the country's future governance and eventual reconstruction. They are in no position to resist Israeli military force, much less to conduct Hamas-style attacks into the Golan Heights. This will be well-known to Israeli intelligence.

Zohra Bensemra / AFP
A picture of Bashar al-Assad, damaged by bullets, hangs on the wall of a burnt building of Criminal Security department, after Syria's Bashar al-Assad was ousted, in Damascus on 20 December 2024.

Are there still armed men in Syria interested in killing Israelis? It would be foolish to assume that there weren't. But with the ouster of Iran and Hezbollah, has the threat increased, enough to justify a pre-emptive war? Indeed, has HTS indicated any interest is seizing the anti-Israel mantle, picking up where Iran and Hezbollah left off? 

If Israel's military defences in the Golan Heights were adequate to dissuade aggression by the Assad regime, Iran, and Hezbollah (with Russian air power lurking in the background), what suddenly made those defences inadequate after 8 December 2024?

Syrians would have welcomed the destruction of the Assad regime's Air Force, Navy, headquarters facilities, and military infrastructure had Israel, Turkey, or the US done so when Assad was using them to slaughter civilians with barrel bombs and sarin gas. It could have saved tens of thousands of Syrian lives. But now? Why now?  

Playing into Iranian hands

Syrians are trying to ignore this spasm of post-Assad violence against their country, mainly because they can do nothing about it. They hope it will end soon, but Syrians have long memories—will they forget it?

Syrians would have welcomed the destruction of Assad's military when he was using it to slaughter them

No doubt Mr. Netanyahu's political survival is of supreme importance to him, and no doubt few Israelis will lose any sleep over Syrian military assets being destroyed, or Syrian territory seized. Still, can't Israeli leaders see that treating 20 million Syrians with an ounce of respect in their moment of liberation might help Israel in the long run?  

Omar Haj Kadour / AFP
Syrians wave the independence-era flag after Friday Noon prayers at the Umayyad Mosque in the capital Damascus on 20 December 2024.

Likewise, is there no-one in Donald Trump's incoming administration interested enough in sealing victory in Syria over Iran and Hezbollah to counsel Israel to stop its gratuitous alienation of the Syrian people? Leaders in Tehran will be praying that Israel keeps it up. All this plays into their hands.

To avoid doing so, Israel's pre-emptive war on Syria should stop now. The rain Israel showered on Syria's victory parade cannot be undone, but with skilful diplomacy the damage done to Israel's interests can be mitigated over time. Indeed, Israel could still help shape the Syria that emerges post-Assad. Yes, HTS will remain a question mark, but Israel need not create an enemy where none may exist.

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