By asking ‘what next’, an ageing Turkish nationalist signals change

War has exposed realities that states once knew before those with extreme positions altered everyone’s worldview. Now, after decades of table-thumping, Devlet Bahçeli has a bright new idea.

By asking ‘what next’, an ageing Turkish nationalist signals change

Observers of Turkish affairs have spent recent days feverishly dissecting the motives behind an extraordinary offer from influential nationalist politician Devlet Bahçeli to a man he once thought Turkey should execute.

From the Turkish parliament, Bahçeli called on Abdullah Öcalan, the imprisoned leader of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK), to embark on a sustainable peace process in Turkey in return for his release. It was quite the about-turn, given that Bahçeli has spent the past quarter of a century calling for Öcalan to be killed by the state.

Bahçeli has held a central role in Turkish political life for six decades, during which time he has both seen and participated in all manner of violence against the Kurds and their political and armed forces. His war against the Kurds has been military, demographic, cultural, political, and symbolic. Yet, on all fronts, he and others have failed to get to the core of the problem.

Öcalan and beyond

Despite everything that has been thrown at them, the Kurds remain a vital demographic and political force in the country, steadfast in their demands since the founding of the Turkish state. Their armed wing (an internationally designated terrorist group) continues to adapt to Turkish military advances and continues to disrupt Turkey’s stability. It has proven its longevity. What next?

At the age of 76, having first become a Turkish parliamentarian in 1967, Bahçeli can see the bigger picture, think differently, and ask: “But what comes next?” This is a question that does not only pertain to Turkey and the Kurds. It is pertinent currently in Gaza and Lebanon, to name but two. Indeed, it seems particularly relevant to Hezbollah and its supporters, especially among the elite.

Bahçeli's war against the Kurds has been military, cultural, demographic, political, and symbolic. On all fronts, it has failed.

Since the liberation of southern Lebanon in 2000, Hezbollah has spent billions trying to impose and establish Iranian interests on Lebanese reality, overriding the existence of the Lebanese state and subduing Lebanese society that has always been unwilling to buy into the austere vision of this Islamist 'Party of God'. 

It has had to buy loyalty, co-opt opinion leaders to promote its agenda, carry out political assassinations, stoke internal conflict at the risk of civil war, overwhelm Lebanon with an arsenal of weapons, participate in regional conflicts, paralyse the country's politics, and contribute to the destruction of Lebanon's economy, yet it has still failed to change much on a fundamental level. Today, it faces an existential crisis. What next?

Not just Hezbollah

Hamas is in a similar position. Its political extremism (which outbid the more grounded outlook and moderated objectives of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation), populist rhetoric and interventionist actions have only brought ruin and catastrophe to Palestinians in Gaza. What next?

Others that may soon be asking the same question include groups such as the Popular Mobilisation Forces in Iraq, the Houthis in Yemen, the al-Assad regime in Syria, or its Iranian counterpart. Even Israel's far-right coalition knows it faces seething anger from many quarters once its wars come to an end. What is next for these actors, whose common denominator is that they have all tried and failed to achieve their goals? 

The prolonged state of conflict that has engulfed the region in recent months has laid bare political vulnerabilities and ideological emptiness. Those who tried to implement extreme political objectives have been exposed by war—the ultimate test of their ability to effect change on the ground. 

War has unmasked hidden or forgotten truths such as the need for central and effective state institutions, the need to compromise, the importance of avoiding isolation, and the need to come up with political solutions to seemingly unsolvable problems. 

For the dogmatists and ideologues across the Middle East, such truths are uncomfortable to hear, but if someone like Devlet Bahçeli can extend their hand to a sworn enemy, others can, too. For the region's extremists, he may even have heralded the end of an era. This is a time for pragmatists, for grown-ups, and for moving on.

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