Opinion

Will the Lebanese embrace a narrative built on their ruin?

For decades, the nation’s story was one of intercommunal coexistence, but civil war from 1975 splintered the notion. Ever since, the country has needed a foundation to bring its people together.

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Houssam Itani
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Will the Lebanese embrace a narrative built on their ruin?

Houssam Itani
last update on

There is a narrative wafting out of Lebanon at the moment that many within Lebanon dare not veer away from. The party line is that "Israel’s war has neither fractured the unity of the Lebanese people nor weakened their collective support for Hezbollah—the valiant defender of the nation’s sovereignty and independence against foreign occupation."

This is the tale that is told. It is framed as an indisputable truth, embraced by the virtuous and rejected only by traitors or collaborators. To its adherents, the ‘resistance’ is not merely a force but the very essence of Lebanon’s existence. To them, the nation must endure every hardship with patience, assured that those who resist Israel will ultimately triumph, as they did in the “divine victory” of 2006.

Founding story

Could this narrative ascend to the status of a founding myth or origin story, a nation’s fable bedrock? To do so, it must meet certain conditions. For a start, a narrative must be able to unite all citizens or community members, offering them a framework to interpret their present reality and assigning them historical (or ‘immortal’) missions.

This is seen across the Middle East—from claims of unique national heritage to the embrace of strict religious ideologies. Iran's narrative moved from the grandeur of the ancient Achaemenid and Sassanid empires to enshrining the Twelver Shiite doctrine as the official state ideology, as stipulated in its constitution (although this shift did not entail a complete departure from its imperial legacy, as reflected in numerous statements by Iranian officials).

Likewise, Turkey’s founding narrative intertwines the Turanian heritage of Central Asian tribes and their migration to Anatolia with the triumphs of the Ottoman Empire during its “magnificent century” as hopes of Western integration—once propagated by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk—gave way to a more inward-looking historical identity.

The party line is that Israel's war has neither fractured the unity of the Lebanese people nor weakened their collective support for Hezbollah

Coexistence myth

Lebanon's narrative of intercommunal coexistence took root after independence in 1943. Community elders recognised the benefits of joining a national project that balanced Western and Arab ties. Yet this was mainly championed by Christian leaders like Michel Chiha and primarily favoured Lebanon's Christians, giving them a sense of security in a Muslim-majority region.

Although some Christian and Muslim leaders opposed this intercommunal compromise for their own reasons, what ultimately matters is that this founding myth and its narrative of coexistence unravelled in 1975 with the Lebanese Civil War. Ever since, alternative narratives—such as post-war reconstruction through the 1989 Taif Agreement, the notion of "unity of path and destiny" with Syria, and the expulsion of Israeli occupiers—have not ticked enough boxes.

When Prime Minister Rafic Hariri was assassinated in 2005, it brought a sledgehammer down on these narrative-finding efforts. One that can rise to the level of a cohesive, founding myth capable of shaping a new Lebanese state remains elusive.

In the void, an alliance of corrupt figures from all sects—fortified by the arms of the most powerful faction—managed to get the support of enough Lebanese to cling to power, as evidenced by voting in parliamentary elections from 2005-22.

For any national narrative to gain widespread acceptance, it must offer tangible benefits to the diverse social, sectarian, civil, and class groups it seeks to attract

Lost resonance

In the absence of a unifying narrative or founding myth, fragmented narratives coalesced around Hezbollah, whose late Secretary-General Hassan Nasrallah famously described members as "the most honourable and righteous people". This has now lost its resonance as Hezbollah has suffered significant setbacks, including the displacement of many of its constituents from the Israeli bombing of Lebanese towns.

For any national narrative to gain widespread acceptance, it must offer tangible benefits to the diverse social, sectarian, civil, and class groups it seeks to attract. It must also align with practice—with rewards and advantages derived from embracing it. This was the case with the Christian-led narrative of intercommunal coexistence from 1943-75, even though that period was not entirely free of conflict among the sects and their political representatives.

Today, Hezbollah urgently needs the Lebanese to rally around it, as its survival as a military and economic entity is severely threatened. But will the Lebanese embrace a narrative built on their ruin? One that advocates the same factors and principles that drove their country to the abyss?

That remains to be seen. Until then, naïve and hastily-constructed narratives are beginning to surface. None will offer the remedy or cure this nation so desperately needs.

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Related topics Lebanon nation-building Sectarianism Special coverage
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