Nabih Berri: The many faces of Lebanon’s longest-serving Speaker

He graduated in 1963 and spent most of the 1960s and early 1970s working as a lawyer, including in the Court of Appeals in Beirut. During this time, he became a follower of al-Sadr, an influential Shiite leader who wanted Lebanon's Shiite community to have a greater say in the country's governance.

As the Lebanese civil war raged, Berri decided to settle permanently in Lebanon, with the intention of leading the relatively new Amal, a group formed in 1975 to protect southern Lebanese villages from Israeli aggression. By then, a close aide to al-Sadr, he was elected to Amal's executive council in 1976. At that time, Amal was deeply involved in the war as part of the Lebanon National Movement (LNM), a coalition of leftist and nationalist parties active during the 1970s.

Involvement in politics

Berri later transitioned from a 'warlord' (a term used in Lebanon to describe leaders of factions involved in the civil conflict) to a central figure known for brokering compromises. Although he did not attend the Taif Conference that marked the end of the war, he built on the groundwork laid by Hussein Husseini, the former Parliament Speaker and Amal leader, and positioned himself as a staunch defender of the Taif Agreement.

Berri is known for his loyalty to former allies, even despite past conflicts. His relationship with Walid Jumblatt, the long-serving Druze leader of the Progressive Socialist Party (PSP), is an example. In the early 1980s, Amal fought alongside Jumblatt's PSP, notably against the Lebanese Army and Phalangist positions, but by the mid-1980s, Amal (which was allied with Syria) was fighting Palestinian factions in Lebanon, which the PSP supported.

Similarly, sectarian tensions that strained Sunni-Shiite relations did not stop Berri from protecting Sunni leader Bahia Hariri (Rafic Hariri's sister and leader of the Future Movement) when Hezbollah tried to unseat her in an election. Likewise, he nominated Suleiman Frangieh for the presidency despite Frangieh's close ties to the Syrian regime, with whom Berri has historically had a tense relationship.

Working with Hezbollah

Berri's involvement with Hezbollah is a cornerstone of his political strategy. He is a key player in the 'Shiite Duo', a delicate relationship characterised by strategic alignment but lacking personal rapport between leaders and grassroots supporters. Amal is a secularist organisation, whereas Hezbollah is a religious one. The pair have very different philosophies and clashed in the so-called 'War of Brothers' from 1988-99 until a peace agreement was facilitated by Iran (Hezbollah's backer) and Syria (Amal's sponsor).

Years later, this still casts a shadow over their alliance.

Berri has maintained strong ties with the Palestinian Authority and the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO), even after leading Amal's battles against Palestinian fighters in the mid-1980s.

After the civil war, Berri shifted his focus from militancy to political diplomacy, cultivating relationships both domestically and internationally. While Hezbollah engaged in its various conflicts, Berri was seen to stand back. Hezbollah's supporters labelled him a "secret agent of the Arab regime".

His strategic alliance with Hezbollah has helped secure his successive re-election as Speaker for decades. Berri subtly reminds his Shiite ally of the potential for unrest between their supporters if his leadership is threatened. In this way, he has remained a significant figure in Lebanon's complex political landscape for so many years.

Charismatic leader

In Lebanon's sectarian system, the president must be a Maronite (Christian), the Prime Minister must be a Sunni, and the Speaker of Parliament, a Shiite. In the eyes of his adoring supporters, this can only be Nabih Berri.

After taking the reins at Amal, Berri cultivated a close and emotional connection with his supporters, fostering a direct relationship without intermediaries, with an open-door policy, meeting them in his modest Beirut apartment that, over the years, has served more as an office than a home. Most who visited were ordinary Lebanese, often on lower incomes, or grassroots activists. This built on the foundations laid by Musa al-Sadr, who established the Movement of the Deprived (Al-Mahroomin).

Through these meetings, Berri came to be seen as an inspiring leader with charisma, political acumen, a refined demeanour, and a talent for poetic rhetoric. Supporters' anthems include lines like "O Leader, God is with you" and "Berri has decided". Although idealised, it nevertheless reflected their admiration and love for him. One of Amal's songs is called 'O Bird of the South,' and it is performed by the famous singer Marcel Khalifa, with lyrics written by Berri himself. It honours Bilal Fahs, who led a suicide operation against Israeli occupation forces in the mid-1980s.

Losing his sheen

Over time, however, this iconic image of Berri has faded. The rise of Hezbollah and the influence of Hassan Nasrallah directly contributed to Berri's diminishing stature, but so did his own actions and those of his family. Some of his supporters now argue that the privileges of power have drawn him away from his grassroots base. They say he has become distant, his engagement with supporters dwindling to a single annual event—the 31 August commemoration of Musa al-Sadr's disappearance in Libya.

He now visits southern Lebanon only during election periods once every four years. Entrenched in Beirut, he rarely leaves the Ain al-Tineh Palace. His place in the south, Darat Maslih, has become an empty, deserted building. In pursuing wealth and power, Berri is perceived as having abandoned his supporters.

His absences prompted Hezbollah supporters to mock and deride Amal followers, accusing them of being "thugs" and "thieves"—ineffective in resistance, governance, media, and cultural expression. They also accuse Amal leaders of corruption. These accusations—against Berri, his inner circle, and particularly his wife Randa—were a feature of the October 17 Revolution in Lebanon in 2019. Randa is seen as having turned the movement into a commercial enterprise.

Hezbollah has jumped to Berri's defence, with Nasrallah even calling him "the big brother". Yet even though he retains his position, Berri's relations with Amal members are now fundamentally different.

Berri's curse

Before the assassination of President Rafic Hariri in 2005, Hezbollah had been trying to unseat Berri and elevate the MP Jamil al-Sayed as a successor, but Hariri's killing altered the political landscape entirely, and al-Sayed was soon imprisoned for four years.

Meanwhile, Berri survived. Before long, Hezbollah and the Syrian regime were again considering figures like General Abbas Ibrahim as alternatives to Berri, but the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011 and Lebanon's subsequent economic collapse shifted their political priorities.

In the months before the recent severe escalation in the conflict between Hezbollah and Israel, speculation was rife that Berri would finally step down as Speaker of Parliament at the next elections, citing his age and health.

Rumours are plentiful in Lebanese politics. One suggests that Amal will splinter into three factions when Berri leaves. Another suggests that Berri wants his son Bassel to succeed him and ran this idea past Nasrallah. Abdullah, Berri's eldest son from a previous marriage, is also positioning himself as a potential leader.

Nasrallah had previously intervened to maintain unity within the Shiite community and prevent a split, but now that he has been killed, there is a power vacuum. Meanwhile, Berri remains firmly in place, outlasting all those who, at one point or another, sought to challenge or replace him. This has become known as "Berri's curse".

Recently, Hezbollah's Deputy Secretary-General Naim Qassem gave Berri the authority to engage in negotiations over international resolutions that Hezbollah had previously opposed. Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, sent by President Masoud Pezeshkian, initially gave Berri the green light, but Iran's powerful Revolutionary Guard is wary of Berri's influence and intervened swiftly, Iran's conservative Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf travelling to Beirut to put a stop to the decision.

Read more: What Berri's about-face means for Lebanon

Berri now serves largely as a figurehead—a seasoned actor in Lebanon's diplomatic theatre performance. More firmly than ever, the true decision-making power over the Shiite community's direction rests not in Beirut but in Tehran.