[/caption]
The Palestinian Authority (PA) power-sharing agreement brokered in Doha on Monday comes at an unfortunate time in Middle Eastern affairs. While all ink is reserved for the crisis in Syria and fears over Iran’s nuclear program, there is little left over for a satisfactory treatment of the small but significant steps being made in the area of reconciliation between rival political parties Fatah and Hamas.
Though we remain skeptical of its prospects for success and longevity, Palestinian reconciliation is good news, for everyone. For the Palestinian populace, it means a return to some sort of democratic process, an opportunity to rebuild trust within Palestinian society, and between Palestinians and their political leaders, and increased strength in the face of Israel’s colonization of their land and lives.
For Hamas members and supporters, they will have a second chance to participate in what is hoped to be an open political process, have the option of re-joining Palestinian society without facing intimidation on the part of Fatah, solicit the assistance and support of Palestinians in the West Bank, particularly the PA, and ultimately, Hamas will be taken more seriously by many in the international community, some inside of Israel and by Palestinians themselves.
With a boost of confidence, Hamas leaders might have the courage to make decisions that actually help to support and protect the Palestinian people.
If elections were held today, Fatah would win 43 percent of the vote, and President Mahmoud Abbas would receive 55 percent of the vote. There is no question that this is good for Fatah. A strong showing for Fatah in the legislative council would encourage it to provide real leadership and a vision for the future. It would also open the way for more significant pressure on Hamas and groups like Islamic Jihad to moderate—perhaps in part through the passage of laws, i.e. political parties that condone violence against civilians will be considered illegal and its supporters criminal.
At the same time, these numbers would also require Fatah to work closely with other political parties, obliging them to consider different points of view, and thus temper their expectations to monopolize power.
As important is that the PA could renew its bid for UN membership as soon as the unity government is formed.
If security was in fact Israel’s utmost concern, then Palestinian unity would be advantageous for Israeli security. First, a more inclusive political climate based on the principles of democracy would encourage actors to act within the confines of the group.
A legitimate Palestinian government would at the very least project the honest wishes of Palestinian society, making PA policy more transparent, and thus, making the PA a more reliable negotiating partner.
Furthermore, increased political clout among the Palestinian leadership could lead the remaining political factions to buy into the PA’s current political program, which refuses to negotiate with a government not committed to the establishment of a viable Palestinian state, and, at the same time, has adopted non-violence as a strategy to achieve political goals.
It is crucial that western governments view Palestinian reconciliation as a positive development.
An empowered Palestinian partner is the only path to a just solution for both Palestinians and Israelis.
