The roots of Arab and Muslim disunity

World affairs often centre on the Middle East, but simple hopes for regional solidarity underestimate the complex reality of its politics

The roots of Arab and Muslim disunity

There is a question that echoes around the Middle East, and it resonates over every corner of the region and its political affairs, especially where there is conflict.

It is pertinent in Palestine, Sudan, Yemen and Lebanon. But it covers the rest of the map. The frequency at which it is asked – and its enduring relevance – adds to its significance.

Often raised as people follow the international debate for solutions to major problems, it is also deceptively simple:

Where are the Arabs and Muslims?

It is easy to agree that no single political entity adequately represents either group.

There are two primary organisations that should give voice to these two large sets of states and peoples: The Arab League and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. But over the years, along with their affiliated bodies, they have become in dire need of radical restructuring.

Overhauls are necessary if either, or both of them, are to achieve a modicum of the effectiveness envisioned in their founding documents.

Their lack of impact can become an easy target. It provides a simple means of explaining away the decline in Arab solidarity and lack of effective support for Gaza, Sudan, and others.

Common interests eroded

That masks the underlying cause – an erosion of common interests among Arab nations – which has made calls for unity in response to major issues a matter of political expediency, rather than a deeper humanitarian matter of solidarity.

The now-modest level of common interest can be seen in the Arab Monetary Fund report for the year 2022.Trade between Arab countries is almost negligible compared to their trade with other countries around the world, both in the East and the West.

If direct material interests do not play a significant role in Arab relations, can the void be filled by shared history, language, religion, culture and tradition?

Such questions over unity among Arabs and Muslims look simple. But there are no straightforward answers.

What seem like unifying factors do not necessarily bring Arabs and Muslims together in the way advocates for Gaza hoped.

What seem like unifying factors do not necessarily bring Arabs and Muslims together in the way advocates for Gaza have hoped. In reality, numerous inter-Arab conflicts and disputes with Islamic countries exist.

Almost all Arab countries face problems of varying levels and severity with their Arab neighbours. These are compounded by differences in culture, economies, visions for the future, and the self-perceptions over the position that each country believes it occupies in the world.

A deeper look at all this nuance reveals why a clear voice from Arabs and Muslims is lacking. The genuine interests of Arab countries do not align with each other. Instead, they line up with external forces in wider, global currents.

Shared histories

There is a shared history and a common emotional identity. But these factors are also like any others occurring across borders anywhere else in the world. They are also defined by grudges, conflicts and bitterness.

In reality, both the concepts of the Arab world and the Muslim world are much more complex than implied by the simplicity of the labels themselves. The true complexities at work reveal why the idealised concept of unity gets lost in the true priorities of  Arab and Muslim nations.

And yet there are times and circumstances when there has been a collective response when one has been called for from some quarters.

Don't forget that over fifty thousand Islamists heeded the call to join the "army" set up by the leader of the ISIS terror group, Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi.

And Iran asserts that it is justified in involving itself in the affairs of other Arab countries is in response to the calls of the people to restore Palestinian rights.

The results of this form of solidarity are unmistakably clear. They on show in the political conditions at work in Syria and Iraq and the ongoing situations in Lebanon and Yemen. They are unnerving, but they cannot be disregarded.

Societies trapped in stagnation – or held back by political impasse – often respond by sending extremists to fight in ISIS's ranks or by tolerating the behaviour of the Iranian Revolutionary Guard and its proxies.

Governments know their interests are not served by entanglement in prolonged and complex conflicts.

Meanwhile, governments recognise that their true interests are not served by entangling themselves in prolonged and complex conflicts.

This is especially so where the adversary is empowered by formidable forces controlling many aspects of the region's economy and security, or even the globe's.

Appealing for help from all Arabs and Muslims is like calling on the international community for assistance. These are vague entities, while the conflict and massacres that require a response are all too clear and specific.

Civil wars can start due to foreign intervention and can erupt for purely internal reasons.

Seeking an international intervention to end them is more difficult, whatever the role anticipated for international institutions, be they Arab, Muslim or humanitarian.

font change