Gaza’s ‘masked men’ cull criticism of Hamas by breaking bones

"We cannot be labelled traitors simply for expressing our fatigue. I spent 200 days in a tent, then moved to Egypt for treatment, only for the Rafah crossing to be closed. My heart and soul are in Gaza.

"I am still far from my wife and daughters, and humanitarian aid is scarce, as is water. The suffering is most severe in this heat. We endorse resistance, but that does not mean we condone Hamas's policies and methods."

He denounces the practice of labelling Palestinians who express dissent as traitors, subjecting them to investigation, detention, and torture by masked men. Many Gazans want genuine representation and a recognition of their suffering.

The conflict in Gaza has prompted human rights organisations to exercise caution and restraint when addressing Hamas' treatment of its opponents. Data is scarce. Nobody knows how many dissenters have been silenced, either through detention or worse.

Yet it is not just Hamas that takes a hard line on dissent. Fatah, the rival Palestinian faction that still ostensibly runs areas of the West Bank, adopts a similar approach.

One of the few comprehensive monitoring efforts was from the Samir Kassir Foundation'. In its 2022 annual report, it made the point that while Israel killed journalist Sherine Abu Aqleh, the Palestinian Authority (PA) was busy arresting critics.

The report reported that, of the perpetrators of violations, 53% were attributed to the Israeli army, 21% to Israeli security services, 12% to Palestinian security services, 7% to Hamas, and 8% to unknown parties.

Preparing for war

Speaking to Al Majalla, Palestinian researcher Hisham Dibsi asks if Hamas invested in building the infrastructure needed to protect people from the repercussions of 7 October 2023.

"Prior to the attack, Hamas developed advanced military infrastructure, including shelters and tunnels for weapons and supplies, to safeguard missile stockpiles and protect their operators. They also established command-and-control centres."

He says Hamas learned lessons from warring with Israel since 2007, when it took over the running of the Gaza Strip. Dibsi also says the 7 October attacks were "not spontaneous", adding: "The level of planning, coordination, and infrastructure suggests a deliberate and calculated strategy, rather than a reactionary response."

The attack "shattered many of the prevailing notions about the Israeli army and struck at the very core of the Israeli doctrine," he says. "However, Hamas committed a grave sin by shirking its responsibility towards the Palestinian people.

"Even Musa Abu Marzouk, deputy head of the Hamas political bureau, when asked about the protection they had prepared for the Palestinian people, said: This is not our responsibility, but the responsibility of UNRWA and the international community."

Disregard for the lives, safety, and needs of Gazans is always accompanied by repressive behaviour, he says. "The behaviour of Hamas throughout has been marked by brutality, arrests, and liquidation for every objection, whether from Fatah and the secularists, or from Islamists with a more extreme ideology than Hamas."

This ferocity is well-known. When Hamas took over the buildings of the Palestinian National Authority in 2007, including its ministries and security centres, several who objected were thrown from the buildings' upper floors.

Hamas imposed new standards that were previously uncommon, particularly regarding women's freedom and political thought. They even forced Gazans to open their phones and computers so they could monitor their social media activity, Dibsi says.

Hamas support declines

Gazans are shifting their stance now, Dibsi says. Compared to their initial position at the start of the war, they feel increasingly abandoned by Hamas.

"Initially, the success of the 7 October operation and the widespread support Hamas received from the Palestinian public in Gaza and the West Bank masked the negative consequences of its societal policies.

"However, as the siege and genocidal war intensified, Hamas's organisational failures became apparent. They seized food and medical aid to fuel their military machine at the expense of Palestinian society, sparking widespread criticism on social media about the biased distribution of aid and favouritism in guarding aid trucks."

Fatima, a young engineer from central Gaza, tells Al Majalla that "this (Hamas) government only knows how to use violence and silence people".

She asks: "Why kidnap a young man in front of his house in northern Gaza, where there is hunger, and try to kill him mercilessly just because he spoke out? We all in Gaza want to speak out and express ourselves, but we cannot because we fear harm."

Dibsi thinks views have changed a lot since 7 October. "Their primary concern now is the survival of their children, securing necessities like food, water, and medicine.

"Famine, displacement, and oppression have shaped the popular mood. Meanwhile, Hamas issues religious fatwas, prioritising the survival of fighters."

Since 2007, Hamas has dished out its brutal response to critics of its rule in Gaza. Currently, only a few individuals have risked their lives to speak out. At some point, however, frustration and desperation could boil over.