On the brink of economic crisis, Egypt breathed a huge sigh of relief earlier this year when it got billions of dollars from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), World Bank, European Union, and United Arab Emirates, the latter an investment. It followed two years of financial and social tension, caused in part by a decade of spending and state largesse. Inflation skyrocketed, while external factors such as Houthi attacks on Red Sea shipping cut Egypt’s core Suez Canal revenue.
But a key condition of the IMF’s $8bn infusion was the reform of Egypt’s public sector, which many argue is long overdue and was recently enacted into law. However, the move has unexpectedly created a new headache for President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, especially in sensitive areas like education and health.
Impact on healthcare
The IMF deal requires the sale of state companies to boost Egypt’s private sector, which has prompted particular concern about the privatisation of the country’s public healthcare system. Private healthcare has existed in Egypt since 1974, but the laws passed to enact the IMF reforms allow public hospitals to be leased to companies—both local and foreign— for up to 15 years.
Keen to paint the changes in a positive light, Egyptian ministers have said that private sector involvement in the healthcare sector will rise from 30% to 50% by 2030. Among the reforms, private operators will now offer health insurance, and healthcare service prices will not be capped or limited for Egyptians, who have grown accustomed to the benefits of price controls and subsidies since the 1920s.
Government insurance currently covers roughly half the population, including public workers, their families, and schoolchildren. Yet because the state healthcare system is so bad, less than one in ten of those insured this way use public clinics.
Another change relates to the percentage of Egyptian workers in the healthcare system. This is being lowered to 75%. The remaining 25% can now be recruited from abroad. Again, this is a big shift, even though there have long been more Egyptian doctors in Saudi Arabia than there are in Egypt.
A threatening shift
The sensitivity is not surprising. Egypt has a long tradition of paternalism over hospitals and the provision of care. For years, rich industrialists built hospitals and then entrusted them to the Ministry of Health to treat the poor, who rely on the state, given that private treatment costs are prohibitively high.
Healthcare in Egypt has traditionally received less public funding as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP) than the global average, but despite limited financial resources and specialist personnel, the public healthcare sector has been vital, especially in cities with high population density.
The IMF delegation is in Cairo until mid-June to review the reforms. Payment depends on their verdict. Yet, as the new law passed, Egyptians voiced concern about their right to healthcare, fearing the commodification of services and possible monopolies.
For his part, el-Sisi has been attentive to the issue of healthcare. The constitution adopted in 2014, a year after he came to power, mandated that 3% of GDP be spent on it. Long waiting lists are down, and hospitals—especially cancer centres—are more efficient. Additionally, the state has started rolling out universal health insurance, aiming for nationwide coverage, but patients now feel that they are being abandoned to ease budgetary pressures. Both patients and doctors have called on el-Sisi not to ratify the laws.