A domino of losses: France's economy and the Gabon coup

Paris lost uranium and gold and wants to avoid losing oil, manganese, wood, diamonds, and precious stones.

French President Emmanuel Macron meets the people of Managala in Port Moresby in Papua New Guinea on July 28, 2023.
AFP
French President Emmanuel Macron meets the people of Managala in Port Moresby in Papua New Guinea on July 28, 2023.

A domino of losses: France's economy and the Gabon coup

French interests in Africa seem to be haunted by seemingly endless coups.

The French economy has long relied on the continent for the supply of raw materials and various natural resources, both above and below ground.

This has helped ensure its competitiveness against global players who are enhancing their presence in Africa in the name of a new world order.

After each new coup in Africa, questions circulate about its instigators, as well as the level of resentment that the new rulers hold towards the former colonial powers, who are gradually losing their grip on traditional protectorates or colonies, economic and geopolitical interests, and the privileges they once enjoyed.

EPA
People celebrate after a military coup, in the streets of Akanda, Gabon, 30 August 2023.

In the past three years, there have been eight military coups in sub-Saharan Africa led by officers, some of whom were graduates of French military schools.

They seem determined to sever ties with Paris, accusing it of corrupting rulers, plundering wealth, and impoverishing nations.

In the past three years, there have been eight military coups in sub-Saharan Africa led by officers, some of whom were graduates of French military schools. They seem determined to sever ties with Paris, accusing it of corrupting rulers, plundering wealth, and impoverishing nations.

Despite international condemnation of the military's seizure of power – and the suspension of these countries' membership in the African Union – anti-colonial sentiments echo loudly in the streets. Many are weary of crooked leaders and want to put an end to French paternalism.

Niger is at the forefront of the "African anger" movement, with Burkina Faso, Mali, and Guinea joining in. This movement is not opposed by other populations of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS).

Though not said openly, some things are understood implicitly: "People want a change in relations with France and they prefer it to happen peacefully."

The West African region is considered one of the oldest French colonies on the continent, as well as one of the wealthiest. It stretches from northern Senegal to the southern coast of Guinea and provides France with the resources it needs, including energy, minerals, agricultural products, and more.

According to ECOWAS estimates, by 2050, it will become a consumer market with an estimated 800mn people. Extending south across Central Africa to the Great Lakes and rainforests from Chad to the Democratic Republic of the Congo, French influence covers an area of ​​more than 3mn square kilometres.

Despite their vast natural and mineral resources, these countries are restricted by low incomes.

President's concern

President Emmanuel Macron expressed his concern about new "epidemic" of coups in Africa, pointing to a domino effect and increasing instability.

He spoke in front of world ambassadors from each continent, who feared expulsion and humiliation, much like what happened in Niamey, the capital of Niger, when French ambassador Sylvain Étienne's diplomatic immunity was lifted, and the coup leaders deported him.

However, President Macron held fast to his stance that France would not abandon the African continent. If they show "weakness" now, he suggested, they would be left out of the game.

However, President Macron held fast to his stance that France would not abandon the African continent. If they show "weakness" now, he suggested, they would be left out of the game.

It may have been a veiled reference to new economic powers that are expanding in Africa, who might compete with French companies that depend on local decision-makers for business.

A report by the French Treasury shows that France's trade with Sub-Saharan Africa amounts to 2% of the total international trade, 11% of energy, oil, and gas imports, 10% of agricultural products, and important imports of various minerals.

It is a market for industrial exports, equipment, electronic and electrical materials.

The value of bilateral trade reached approximately €27bn euros in 2022, of which €16bn euros were exports and €11bn euros imports. The cumulative French investments in Sub-Saharan Africa are estimated at around $60bn, making France the second largest investor after the United Kingdom, which invests a total of $65bn.

According to the report, these investments have doubled over the past decade – between 2010 and 2020. Paris has a trade surplus with most African countries, particularly West Africa, whose main trading partners include Côte d'Ivoire and Senegal.

Paris believes that its economic interests in the continent outweigh the same interests in any other continent. According to a report by the French Treasury, in 2022, France achieved a trade surplus with West African countries of €2.3bn, 38% of which was with Senegal, for a total of €877mn, followed by Côte d'Ivoire with a French surplus of €374mn, and then Mali with €350mn.

Fear over interests

Immediately after the coup in Gabon, the Paris Stock Exchange was rocked by a 15 percent drop in Eramet shares, which owns 90% of the manganese and nickel mines, including one of the world's largest mining centres, Moanda.

France has 81 companies operating in Gabon in various sectors, including oil, gas, manganese, timber, precious minerals, diamonds, and gold. According to a report by the French Ministry of Finance, these companies made a profit of €3bn last year.

France has 81 companies operating in Gabon in various sectors, including oil, gas, manganese, timber, precious minerals, diamonds, and gold. According to a report by the French Ministry of Finance, these companies made a profit of 3bn last year.

Among the most important ones are "Promendia Morill," "Eramet," "Total Energy," "Air France," "Eiffage and Colas," "Bourbon," "R. Lique," "CMA CGM," and "Meridiam Funds."

According to "Le Monde" newspaper, "even if the new military coup in Gabon does not resemble those in Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Guinea, it poses new and costly challenges for France, accompanied by military setbacks in Senegal and Côte d'Ivoire."

Paris has sought to soften the blow of its condemnation following the ejection of Ali Bongo, who, like his late father, was one of France's most loyal allies in Africa.

This time, the language they used was not comprised of unforgiving threats, or an unwavering allegiance to the legitimate president – as was the case during the coup in Niger, which had called for war and struggle.

In addition, the European Union, through Josep Borrell, acknowledged a flaw in the presidential election process that preceded the overthrow of the president, who had suffered health complications from a previous stroke, which allowed his French wife to interfere in political affairs.

The EU chose not to issue any threats against the new leaders. Instead, it implicitly recognised the coup as a "peaceful" one led from "within the barracks, palaces, and the family," and helmed by General Oleg Ngema, the new head of state, who is closely related to the ousted president Ali Bongo.

AFP
This video grab from an unconfirmed video at an undisclosed location obtained by AFPTV on August 30, 2023 shows Gabon's deposed president, Ali Bongo Ondimba, calling on "his friends around the world to make some noise".

Ngema is a graduate of the Royal Military College in Meknes, Morocco, and served as a military attaché in Rabat and later in Dakar, Senegal.

Gabon's significance

Unlike other countries, Gabon has not experienced any coups since gaining independence from France in 1960. Gabon is a member of the Economic Community of Central African States (CEMAC), which includes Angola, Burundi, Cameroon, the Central African Republic, Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Gabon, and Equatorial Guinea.

The group was formed in 1983.

Gabon is considered one of the highest-income countries in the region, with a per capita income of around $8,600, a GDP of $22bn, and a population of approximately 2.5mn people. A stable country, it promotes peace and coexistence, with a Muslim president and an 80% Christian population.

Gabon is considered one of the highest-income countries in the region, with a per capita income of around $8,600, a GDP of $22bn, and a population of approximately 2.5mn people.

Its experience with local democracy was a respectable one, before it deviated from its path.

Gabon's political system was not significantly more corrupt than other French-backed regimes that prioritised the interests of companies close to the Élysée Palace. However, Gabon's importance lay in its Atlantic Ocean coastline and massive forests, sandwiched between the Sahara Desert to the north and the Kalahari Desert to the south. Its economy relies on oil and gas, which account for 36% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and 70% of exports, followed by manganese at 7%, and timber as its third most valuable resource.

Trade relations between France and Gabon amount to €846mn, of which €536mn are French exports and €310mn are Gabonese imports.

The domino effect

Perhaps Paris and Brussels were late to realise that the domino effect of these coups is a real threat to France's vital interests – and they may not stop in the heart of the continent. Potential coups could take place in countries that align most closely to Paris' policies in Africa.

Disputes are not with the rulers but with their relationship to the old colonial system and their role in continuing to enact social inequalities and financial corruption with foreign companies.

Paris, which wasted uranium and gold in the Sahel region, is currently trying to give up control over oil, manganese, timber, diamonds, and precious stones – or what remains of something worth a third of Africa's wealth in an area of ​​more than 10mn square kilometres.

This had once covered the salaries of hundreds of thousands of soldiers and officials overseas, while the rest was sent to Paris to make up the deficit in the treasury.

Reducing losses

The timing is unfortunate. The French economy is going through several concurrent challenges, with Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire describing as "the most difficult and uncertain" period. Concerns include the Russian war in Ukraine, climate change, the need to transition to green energy amid rising fuel prices, the cost of social reforms, the debt challenge, approaching 120% of GDP, and internal political fragmentation.

French decision-makers never expected that these difficulties would escalate and coincide with coups that could deprive the economy of its strongest competitive components. Namely, cheap and durable raw materials, trade deals, and economic transactions with political cover and local extortion that help reduce the budget deficit, which is expected to reach 4.4% of GDP by 2024.

Africa contributes between 0.25% and 0.5% of a point to annual economic growth and offers great opportunities for French companies abroad. The economy might not be able to survive for long if France is pushed out of Africa.

New beneficiaries

Chinese President Xi Jinping used to describe Gabon's ousted President Ali Bongo as an old friend of China.

The truth is that relations between Beijing and Libreville have evolved significantly in recent years, moving towards a comprehensive strategic partnership. China has gained privileges in the mining and extraction of manganese, timber, and oil, and has secured contracts in the field of infrastructure.

It has also become the second largest supplier after France, and the top customer for timber.

France's political losses are not limited to countries hit by coups or political instability but extend to North Africa, as well.

In this region, China, Russia, Germany, Spain, Italy, and others have secured substantial contracts and investments worth tens of billions of dollars. This prompted President Macron to state that relations with Maghreb countries are currently not at the level that they should be.

He also recognised that the road to Europe must first pass through the Mediterranean Sea.

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