From parties to poverty, Syria's drastically different worlds spark outrage

Syrians have run out of patience and some have started expressing their frustration through 2011-style protests

People attend a concert on the opening night of the fourth Damascus Citadel Nights Festival in Damascus on August 2, 2023.
AFP
People attend a concert on the opening night of the fourth Damascus Citadel Nights Festival in Damascus on August 2, 2023.

From parties to poverty, Syria's drastically different worlds spark outrage

Last week the walls of the Krak des Chevaliers castle — one of Syria’s most cherished cultural landmarks — in the countryside of Homs were shaken again, but this time by electronic dance music. As widely shared on social media, there were laser shows, famous DJs and hundreds of young people banging their heads to the rhythm.

The same party was held at the castle last year as well.

In Damascus in the famous Bab Sharqi quarter, bars, clubs and restaurants are full of diners and partygoers. On average, the cost of food in the restaurant per person is around 290,000 SL ($20). With alcohol, it is more.

Are these the signs of a return to normal in a country that has been ravaged by war for more than a decade or the privileged few enjoying the best of life in the midst of poverty and misery?

I think, in their own ways, both — but more of the second. This situation is not unique to Syria of course. Every country with a crisis of that sort goes through similar experiences. What is unique to Syria is the proportions.

According to the United Nations, over 90% of the population in Syria lives below the poverty line.

Read more: From refugees to crippling poverty, a look at Syria's never-ending humanitarian crisis

The average salary for the lowest level of government employees is around 200,000 SL ($14). An army officer carrying the rank of a general earns something like 700,000 SL (around $48) a month. They are said to make up for their low pay through other means.

The ordinary Syrian living in Damascus no longer receives subsidies on fuel, inflation is extremely high and Syria's lira on suffering from extreme devaluation. Basic infrastructure is lacking. Electricity and running water are scarce, at 2-4 hours a day. Widespread corruption is the natural consequence of all that.

When the crisis started in 2011, many upper-middle-class and business elite Syrians left their country for Lebanon and also other neighbouring countries, Europe and other places and established a new life. Since then, very few have come back to resettle and a few are making the occasional trip to look after their property or relatives, but the majority remain abroad.

Loyalty system

While this is how it is in general, the traditional money-making mechanism of the regime is working unhindered. Since the times of Hafez al-Assad, in Syria, the regime has implemented a system of privileges and rewards to ensure the loyalty of people around them.

The core of the money-making mechanism in Syria today is said to be Bashar al-Assad, his wife Asma and brother Maher al-Assad.

The other components of the machinery have changed, as money has changed hands.

AFP
The waning gibbous moon rises during the opening of the fourth Damascus Citadel Nights Festival in Damascus on August 2, 2023.

Apart from a few old faces, the nouveau riche who fill the restaurants and spend money lavishly are al-Assad loyalists who made their fortune during the war, mostly at the expense of others.

The nouveau riche who fill the restaurants and spend money lavishly are al-Assad loyalists who made their fortune during the war, mostly at the expense of others.

Drug trade

One of the new industries in Syria is Captagon.

Production facilities along the Mediterranean coast of Syria and the Jordanian border, with thousands of Syrians and other nationalities involved, form a $6bn trade. Maher al-Assad and the 4th Division it commands, as well as Hezbollah, are the primary masterminds and profiteers of the Captagon trade.

Eduardo Ramon

Read more: Does al-Assad hold the keys to dismantling the Captagon trade?

Thinning patience

Syrians have run out of patience and some have started exposing their frustration in 2011-style protests. Suweyda, which is the capital of the Druze in Syria, has remained peaceful or impartial throughout the crisis, but it has now become the epicentre of protests.

People have taken to the streets chanting  "isqat al nizam" (down with the regime). Similar demonstrations have been reported in other areas, including Latakia, the support base of the regime.

Read more: Is an Alawite protest movement emerging in Syria's coastal areas?

Meanwhile, in the northeast and east of the Euphrates, the YPG sits on Syria's oil wealth. The oil production which was around 380,000 barrels a day in 2011, is said to be down to 80,000 barrels a day now.

The YPG uses it to finance its activities, trading with many different parties, including the regime, where private profiteering is well above public benefit.

Running out of patience, some Syrians have started protesting. The Druze region of Suweyda which had remained peaceful throughout Syria's war, has now become the protest epicentre.

When the crisis started, key figures in the al-Assad regime had declared publicly that the fire in the country would burn others and it would not really matter if a few million Syrians perished in the process.

Indeed, that has been the case.

Neighbouring countries — especially Turkey and Lebanon — continue to face domestic backlash over the presence of refugees. The 3.5 million Syrians in Turkey and around 1.5 million (850,000 according to UNHCR figures)  in Lebanon have become hot-button issues.

Children are seen at a camp for Syrian refugees displaced by earthquakes in the Islahiye district of Gaziantep in Turkey on Feb. 15.

In Lebanon, Syrian refugees provide a convenient scapegoat for the country's barely functioning economy. On its part, Turkey — despite being one of the biggest global economies — is in the throes of strong economic headwinds and many Turks implicate Syrians as being among the causes.

Meanwhile in Syria, the lifting of years-long subsidies for Syrians has flared tempers and fomented dissent.

At one point, al-Assad was encouraging Syrians abroad to come back home, but now his tone has changed. He is now saying that Syria's infrastructure has been destroyed by terrorists backed by neighbouring and other Arab countries, and unless it is back in place, Syrians will not come back.

Shortlived hope

The admittance of Syria back into the Arab League had boosted hopes that this would translate into an improved economic situation in the country, but things have not quite worked that way.

In recent interviews, al-Assad said that Syria had done what it was supposed to do and it was now waiting for the Arab League states to deliver on their part. It is not quite clear what that means, but whatever it is, the process is currently at a standstill.

In Syria, the economy and the living conditions are very far away from being even close to ideal and as long as this status quo remains, a return to normal anytime soon is unlikely.

On his part, al-Assad seems unbothered. He is content with his fully functioning money-making system and is not under pressure to make any concessions without reaping rewards that benefit his regime.

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